MxAlb1E

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Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams; Gréine Jordan ♥ Majority of work carried out by Alice Williams; Gréine Jordan wrote general description and edited some of Williams's work.

♠ Original name ♣ Early Monte Alban I ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ Middle Preclassic; Middle Formative; Monte Albán 1a (and 1b) ♥

♠ Peak Date ♣ ♥

Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 500 BCE-300 BCE ♥ The start of this period is marked by the founding of Monte Albán at the centre of the three valleys.

Start: 500 BCE

"Monte Alban, founded circa 500 BC at the nexus of the valley's three branches, was one of highland Mesoamerica’s earliest cities, and it remained the most populous and architecturally monumental settlement in the Southern Highlands for more than a millennium (Blanton, 1978)[1]

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ ♥ probably unknown. The establishment of a confederation (although not yet a state) at the beginning of this period is suggested by the simultaneous abandonment of settlements and founding of Monte Albán, which itself was internally divided into different groupings of people (as shown by distinct pottery assemblages).[2]

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ ♥ probably unknown. It has been suggested that Monte Alban became the new centre of a confederation of people from different settlements of the valley, but the exact relationship between Monte Alban and the remaining settlements of the valley is not known.[3]

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ MxRosar ♥ The largest centre before Monte Alban was San Jose Mogote, and it has been hypothesised that much of the population of Monte Alban came from San Jose Mogote and its surrounding settlements in the Etla subvalley. [4]
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ population migration ♥ People migrated to occupy the new settlement, Monte Alban, during this period, although material culture (including ceramic and architectural styles) suggest cultural continuity from the previous period.[5][6]
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ MxAlb1L ♥
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ ♥
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ ♥

♠ Capital ♣ Monte Albán ♥ Monte Albán was the largest settlement in the Valley of Oaxaca at this time, and was founded at the beginning of this period with an estimated population of 5,000 people.[7] This settlement is taken to be the centre of the Zapotec polity, with populations originating from other settlements in the valley.

♠ Language ♣ Zapotec ♥ “…the iconography and hieroglyphic writing of Monte Albán I suggest that we are dealing with people who spoke an early version of Zapotec and practiced an early form of Zapotec religion.”[8]

General Description

The Monte Albán Early I phase runs from 500 to 300 BCE. The settlement at Monte Albán was founded at the beginning of this period and located in what was previously a 'buffer zone' between the three competing chiefdoms in the Valley of Oaxaca during the Rosario phase. It was built on a hill 400 metres above the valley floor,[9] with limited access to farmland and water,[10] which suggests other reasons for the founding of the settlement. One suggestion is that the location was intentionally chosen in the 'neutral' zone between the three competing chiefdoms as a political manoeuvre.[11]

Population and political organization

The establishment of a confederation (although not yet a state) at the beginning of this period is suggested by the simultaneous abandonment of settlements and founding of Monte Albán, which itself was internally divided into different groupings of people (as shown by distinct pottery assemblages).[12]
Although there is evidence for the presence of inherited social status and mortuary and residential elaboration during this period, the method of political organization is still unclear.[13] Archaeologist Arthur Joyce outlines possible power dynamics: 'The authority of the nobility may have been simultaneously couched in, but in dynamic tension with, traditional forms of authority that were more communal, egalitarian, and locally based.'[14]
There is a large range of population estimates for the valley during this period, from roughly 8000 to 15,000.[15][16] Monte Albán was the largest settlement in the Valley of Oaxaca during this period, although it was founded in a previously unoccupied location. The settlement began with around 2,000 people[17] and increased to over 5,000 towards the end of this period.[18] Much of the population of the valley moved to the newly founded settlement, which left sites such as San José Mogote abandoned.[19] Monte Albán became the largest settlement by far (324 ha in size towards the end of this period), but there were two other main settlements in the other arms of the valley (Yegüih and San Martin Tilcajete, the latter covering 52.8 ha by the end of the period).[20]

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ 1,300 ♥ squared kilometers, based on the map given by Spencer (2009)[21]

♠ Polity Population ♣ [10,000-20,000] ♥ People.

Estimate for the area in and around Montel Alban

8,000-10,000: Although it is unlikely that all the settlements of the valley were unified (based on the divisions between populations of the different arms of the valley seen in the Rosario phase), the area in and around Monte Albán was the most densely populated. In the absence of a more accurate polity population estimate, the lower population estimate of 8,000-10,000 people given by Flannery and Marcus[22] is used as a very rough proxy for the Monte Albán polity population. 8,000-15,000: There is a large range of population estimates for the valley during this period, from roughly 8,000 to 15,000.[23][24]

Estimate for Monte Alban Early I sites in Valley of Oaxaca subareas

Table 3.5. Monte Alban Early I sites in Valley of Oaxaca subareas. Table lists sites in sub-areas and includes total population for each of them.[25]
Etla: 3175; Central (contains Monte Alban): 6793; N Valle Grande: 1998; S Valle Grande: 526; W Tlacolula: 1814; E Tlacolula: 341; Ejutla: 259; Albarradas: 59; Sola: 12.[26]
Monte Alban's population grew quickly to 5,000.[27]
Monte Alban's population + population of this list of subareas = 19,977

"Table 11.3. Population in the largest centers, by phase, in Oaxaca and Ejutla."[28]

Valley of Oaxaca population (Largest center in Oaxaca): Tierras Largas: 327 (128); San Jose: 1942 (1384); Guadalupe: 1788 (774); Rosario: 1835 (564); Early I: 14652 (5250); Late I: 51339 (17242); Monte Alban II: 41927 (14492); Monte Alban IIIA: 120121 (16507); Monte Alban IIIB: 78930 (24189); Monte Alban IV: 77612 (16117); Monte Alban V: 166467 (13831).[29]

♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ 2,000: 500 BCE; 5,280: 400-200 BCE ♥ Inhabitants. Monte Albán was the largest settlement in the Valley of Oaxaca during this period, although it was founded in a previously unoccupied location. The settlement began with around 2,000 people[30], and increased to over 5,000 towards the end of this period.[31] 5,000: "From the area of the distribution of Early I sherds (and estimating a population of about 25-50 persons per hectare, less for the area of more scattered pottery), we estimate a population for Early I of 3,500-7,000 (Blanton 1978:33-35) and take the middle value of about 5,000 as the best estimate of population for the period. Population group continued into Late I, eventually reaching an estimated 17,000 (Blanton 1978:44)(fig. 3.4)."[32] Monte Alban's population grew quickly to 5,000.[33] "Table 11.3. Population in the largest centers, by phase, in Oaxaca and Ejutla."[34] Valley of Oaxaca population (Largest center in Oaxaca): Early I: 14652 (5250).[35]

Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ [2-3] ♥ levels. There are different opinions as to how many levels of settlement hierarchy there were during this period. Much of the population of the valley moved to the newly founded settlement Monte Albán, which left sites such as San José Mogote abandoned.[36] Monte Albán became the largest settlement by far (324ha in size towards the end of this period), but there were two other main settlements in the other arms of the valley (Yegüih and San Martin Tilcajete, the latter covering 52.8ha by the end of this period)[37]. If these settlements are excluded (as they were the primary centres of different polities), then the remaining settlements in the Central and Etla valley areas may either form one or two levels, depending on the classification.[38][39] Yegüih (in Tlacolula subregion) and San Mart´ın Tilcajete (in Ocotl´an-Zimatl´an subregion) were primary centres in the other arms of the valley, with two further levels of settlement hierarchy.[40].

1. Monte Albán-primary centre, estimated at 324ha between 400-200 BCE, and with an 8km2 central complex.[41] (Yeguih in the Tlacolula subregion and San Mart´ın Tilcajete (52.8 ha) in the Ocotl´an-Zimatl´an subregion were also primary centres of different polities within the valley during this period.)[42]

2. villages-<2ha[43]

"Table 5.4. Monte Alban Early I population hierarchy in Oaxaca and Ejutla."[44]

Valley of Oaxaca: Level I: 5250; II: 578-1112; III: 210-301; IV: 107-179; No rank: 8-90.[45]

♠ Administrative levels ♣ suspected unknown ♥ [2-3] territorial levels but sources do not suggest there is evidence that they corresponded to administrative levels. Monte Albán was a primary center (given the size and central location of the settlement), with a series of regional second-order centres at the beginning of the Monte Albán I phase. There may also have been tertiary centres, if the smaller villages and hamlets are included.[46] The administrative levels have been coded as equivalent to the settlement hierarchy as there is little additional evidence for internal administration.

1. Monte Albán-primary centre, estimated at 324ha between 400-200 BCE, and with an 8km2 central complex.[47] (Yeguih in the Tlacolula subregion and San Mart´ın Tilcajete (52.8 ha) in the Ocotl´an-Zimatl´an subregion were also primary centres of different polities within the valley during this period.)[48]

2. villages-<2ha[49]

♠ Religious levels ♣ 1 ♥ Temples were present at this time but the standardised two-room temples was not yet present at Monte Alban, and so a permanent state religion of more than one organisational level cannot be inferred.[50]

♠ Military levels ♣ 1 ♥ level. Warriors were likely present during this period (based on the inter-polity conflict of this period and the preceding period) and so one level of military organisation is inferred, but sources do not suggest there is evidence for full-time professional military personnel.[51]

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for full-time professional military personnel.[52]

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for full-time professional military personnel.[53]

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ absent ♥ Temples were built and used, but sources do not suggest there is evidence for full-time priests until the MA II period when standardised temples were constructed.[54]

Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for full-time bureaucracy during this period. A degree of complex organisation is inferred to have existed, based on the construction of Monte Alban, but no written records or specialised administrative buildings have been identified.[55]

♠ Examination system ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for full-time bureaucracy during this period. [56]

♠ Merit promotion ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for full-time bureaucracy during this period.[57]

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for full-time bureaucracy during this period. A degree of complex organisation is inferred to have existed, based on the construction of Monte Alban, but no written records or specialised administrative buildings have been identified.[58]

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a formal legal system during this period.[59]

♠ Judges ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a formal legal system during this period.[60]

♠ Courts ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a formal legal system during this period.[61]

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a formal legal system during this period.[62]

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ absent ♥ The use of small scale canal irrigation systems is inferred from the presence of settlements in the piedmont area (which would require some water control), but direct evidence for irrigation is found in the later periods. Any irrigation that was present would have been very small in extent and therefore not centrally controlled.[63][64][65]
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ ♥ Probably unknown. Evidence for Monte Alban architecture dating to this period is severely limited by later construction work from the MA II phase onwards.[66]
♠ markets ♣ inferred present ♥ There is no direct evidence for a market system during this period (and no evidence for a market at the capital Monte Alban)[67], but other, indirect, evidence suggests a form of production and trade in the valley at this time. This evidence includes the specialisation of ceramic production by different communities (such as those seen in different assemblages at Monte Albán)[68], and the absence of evidence for state storage facilities, “a prominent byproduct of the redistributive economies, suggests the presence of a different mode of exchange.”.[69] We asked Gary Feinman[70] and he said: "Markets clearly have a long history in Mesoamerica before Aztec times. Back in the 1980s, I wrote a paper with Blanton and Kowalewski arguing that there were markets in Monte Albán I (ca. 500-200 BC). You can also find that argument in Ancient Mesoamerica and Ancient Oaxaca. While this may not yet be a consensual view yet, the literature on pre-Aztec markets across Mesoamerica is burgeoning."
♠ food storage sites ♣ absent ♥ No evidence for centralised food storage has been found at Monte Alban.[71][72]

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ absent ♥ Small roads were constructed through Monte Alban, but sources do not suggest there is evidence for a road network linking settlements.[73] We asked Gary Feinman about roads in Oaxacan polities and he said: "It depends on what you mean by roads. There are definite roads/accessways within sites. Blanton defines some at Monte Albán and Linda [Nicholas] and I defined some at El Palmillo. These likely were not paved, but they may have been banked and were cleared. Between sites there are known 16th century trails, which were likely used for a long, long time. Again, they likely were not paved, but there were no beasts of burden."[74] Coded absent: we do not count accessways within settlements or paths and trails not constructed deliberately as roads.
♠ Bridges ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for the construction of bridges during this period.[75]
♠ Canals ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for the construction of canals during this period.[76]
♠ Ports ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ absent ♥ Sources only describe residential sites.[77]

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[78]
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Written records ♣ present ♥ Roughly 350 inscribed stones have been found at Monte Albán (including 310 danzantes) assigned to MA I and II.[79] Mesoamerican civilizations, including the Maya, Aztec, Mixtec and Zapotec all possessed "a true form of writing: a series of hieroglyphs arranged in vertical columns and in many instances combined with numerals. The glyphs were at least indirectly related to a spoken language." Zapotec inscriptions are considered true writing, since the inscriptions had verbs.[80]
♠ Script ♣ present ♥ Evidence for carved glyphs (of names and calendar dates) has been found.[81]
♠ Non-phonetic writing ♣ present ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[82]
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[83]

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[84]
♠ Calendar ♣ present ♥ Several glyphs carved on stones at Monte Albán have been interpreted as calendrical glyphs, based on analogy with later periods[85][86] More specifically, the glyphs on Stele 12 and 13 at Monte Alban seem to refer to days on the 365 day calendar, or yza secular year as it was known in the historical periods. In addition to evidence for the ritual 260 day calendar (or piye calendar) at San Jose Mogote, this suggests that both the two calendars were being used from this time.[87]
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[88]
♠ Religious literature ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[89]
♠ Practical literature ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[90]
♠ History ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[91]
♠ Philosophy ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[92]
♠ Scientific literature ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[93]
♠ Fiction ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[94]


Money

♠ Articles ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[95]
♠ Tokens ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[96]
♠ Precious metals ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[97]
♠ Foreign coins ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[98]
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[99]
♠ Paper currency ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[100]

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a postal system during this period. [101]
♠ Postal stations ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a postal system during this period. [102]
♠ General postal service ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a postal system during this period. [103]

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams ♥

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[104][105]
♠ Bronze ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[106][107]
♠ Iron ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[108][109]
♠ Steel ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[110][111]

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[112] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include javelins. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Atlatl ♣ present ♥ Present in the valley of Oaxaca since preceramic times (the Proto-Otomangueans) for hunting.[113] and, in previous periods, obsidian blades were found in Tomb 10 at San José Mogote which may have been hafted into atlatl darts.[114] In addition, glyphs depicting what may be atlatls or spearthrowers have been carved with the danzantes at San Jose Mogote.[115]
♠ Slings ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[116] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include slings. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias. Moreover, Spanish documents record the use of slings at the end of the Monte Alban V period.[117]
♠ Self bow ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[118] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include bows of any kind. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias. Moreover, Spanish documents record the use of bows and arrows at the end of the Monte Alban V period.[119]
♠ Composite bow ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[120] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include bows of any kind. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias. Moreover, Spanish documents record the use of bows and arrows at the end of the Monte Alban V period.[121]
♠ Crossbow ♣ absent ♥ Hassig lists crossbows among the new military technologies the Spanish introduced to the region in the sixteenth century[122]
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ absent ♥
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ absent ♥
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ absent ♥ Gunpowder not yet invented.
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ absent ♥ Gunpowder not yet invented.

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[123] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include clubs. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Battle axes ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[124] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include axes. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Daggers ♣ present ♥ Obsidian-edged wooden swords and daggers are inferred present based the presence of obsidian blades in the valley.[125]
♠ Swords ♣ present ♥ Obsidian-edged wooden swords and daggers are inferred present based the presence of obsidian blades in the valley.[126]
♠ Spears ♣ inferred present ♥ Present in the valley of Oaxaca since preceramic times (the Proto-Otomangueans) for hunting.[127] However, it does seem to be clear whether they were also used as weapons in warfare.
♠ Polearms ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[128] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include polearms. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ absent ♥ Hassig lists war dogs among the new military "technologies" the Spanish introduced to the region in the sixteenth century[129]
♠ Donkeys ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Horses ♣ absent ♥ Hassig lists horses among the new military "technologies" the Spanish introduced to the region in the sixteenth century[130]
♠ Camels ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Elephants ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[131] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[132] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Shields ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[133] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Helmets ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[134] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Breastplates ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[135] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Limb protection ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[136] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Chainmail ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[137][138]
♠ Scaled armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[139][140]
♠ Laminar armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[141][142]
♠ Plate armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[143][144]

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ present ♥ Monte Albán was built on a hill 400m above the valley floor and a number of other settlements were located on hilltops.[145][146]
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Monte Albán was built with a 3km defensive wall along the shallower slopes of the hill, and wooden palisades may have been present.[147]
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ present ♥ The defensive wall around Monte Alban was made of earth and stone.[148][149]
♠ Ditch ♣ inferred absent ♥ Monte Albán's fortifications are relatively well understood, but no source mentions the existence of a ditch.[150]
♠ Moat ♣ inferred absent ♥ Monte Albán's fortifications are relatively well understood, but no source mentions the existence of a moat.[151]
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ present ♥ The defensive wall around Monte Alban was made of earth and stone.[152][153]
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ absent ♥ The defensive wall around Monte Alban was made of earth and stone.[154][155]
♠ Fortified camps ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ absent ♥ Monte Albán was built with a 3km defensive wall along the shallower slopes of the hill.[156] Another wall was constructed along the northern boundary of Monte Albán, but not until the Late I or II periods.[157]
♠ Long walls ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥ Gunpowder not yet invented.


Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ Gréine Jordan ♥

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ suspected unknown ♥ While there is evidence of an elite the nature of leadership is still unclear, as is the relationship between elites and possible administrators. "...it is difficult to identify particular rulers or to understand how power was exercised."[158] The establishment of a confederation (although not yet a state) at the beginning of this period is suggested by the simultaneous abandonment of settlements and founding of Monte Albán, which itself was internally divided into different groupings of people (as shown by distinct pottery assemblages).[159] Sources do not suggest there is evidence for full-time bureaucracy during this period. A degree of complex organisation is inferred to have existed, based on the construction of Monte Alban, but no written records or specialised administrative buildings have been identified.[160]
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ suspected unknown ♥ While there is evidence of an elite the nature of leadership is still unclear, as is the relationship between elites and possible administrators. "...it is difficult to identify particular rulers or to understand how power was exercised."[161] The establishment of a confederation (although not yet a state) at the beginning of this period is suggested by the simultaneous abandonment of settlements and founding of Monte Albán, which itself was internally divided into different groupings of people (as shown by distinct pottery assemblages).[162] Sources do not suggest there is evidence for full-time bureaucracy during this period. A degree of complex organisation is inferred to have existed, based on the construction of Monte Alban, but no written records or specialised administrative buildings have been identified.[163]
♠ Impeachment ♣ suspected unknown ♥ While there is evidence of an elite the nature of leadership is still unclear, as is the relationship between elites and possible administrators. "...it is difficult to identify particular rulers or to understand how power was exercised."[164] The establishment of a confederation (although not yet a state) at the beginning of this period is suggested by the simultaneous abandonment of settlements and founding of Monte Albán, which itself was internally divided into different groupings of people (as shown by distinct pottery assemblages).[165] Sources do not suggest there is evidence for full-time bureaucracy during this period. A degree of complex organisation is inferred to have existed, based on the construction of Monte Alban, but no written records or specialised administrative buildings have been identified.[166]

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ present ♥ From Religion: "Although hereditary nobles are increasingly evident in the archaeological record, representations of rulers are muted in public expressions of political and religious authority. The authority of the nobility may have been simultaneously couched in, but in dynamic tension with, traditional forms of authority that were more communal, egalitarian, and locally based. Residential and mortuary data, however, indicate increasing social differentiation in the Oaxaca Valley during the Late/Terminal Formative (Barber & Joyce 2006:223- 9; Martínez López et al. 1995:236- 38; Winter 1986:341- 2)." [167] "Until the Nisa phase, the Main Plaza was open on its eastern side, making activities on the plaza accessible to commoners living on the terraces below." [168] "The size, accessibility, and symbolism of the Main Plaza suggest to me that during Monte Albán’s first four centuries the plaza was a focus of public ceremonies participated in by people of varied identities including different statuses, corporate groups, and communities." [169] From Ritual: "Recent iconographic interpretations suggest that specialized ritual abilities may have been the prerogative not just of nobles, but also of high-ranking commoners who achieved positions of ritual authority (Urcid 2008; Urcid & Winter 2003)." [170] However, "Human sacrifice[...] was a new ritual practice controlled by elites since only nobles would have had the resources and power to sponsor raids, take captives, and organize public ceremonies. [...] The founding of Monte Albán, the construction of the Main Plaza, public rituals, and warfare were activities that were almost certainly organized and led by nobles." [171]

Religion and Normative Ideology

We are interested here in any systems of thought and behavior that can influence people's actions, which we term a Normative Ideology. Normative ideologies are thought-systems concerned with the correct behavior of people, governments/leaders, and other groups (and particularly the relationships between these groups).

Mainly, this will be a religious or ritual system. As usual, when we mention Religious or Ritual System our focus is on the 'official cult', defined the same way as in the Rituals section:

With the official cult we refer to the set of collective religious practices that are most closely associated with legitimation of the power structure (including elites, if any).

However, Normative Ideologies are not restricted to religious/ritual systems. They include other thought systems, such as philosophy or anything that prescribes a particular pattern of behaviour. An example is classical Greek philosophy, such as the works of Plato and Aristotle, who were concerned with correct or moral behaviour and whose thoughts influenced the actual practice of several societies (the empire of Alexander the Great, notably).

♠ RA ♣ ♥

Deification of Rulers

("gods"is a shorthand for "supernatural agents’)

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

These codes refer to acts undertaken without direct compulsion from or out of adherence to a religious system (religious aspects of prosociality are coded below)

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ [present; absent] ♥ "Although hereditary nobles are increasingly evident in the archaeological record, representations of rulers are muted in public expressions of political and religious authority. The authority of the nobility may have been simultaneously couched in, but in dynamic tension with, traditional forms of authority that were more communal, egalitarian, and locally based. Residential and mortuary data, however, indicate increasing social differentiation in the Oaxaca Valley during the Late/Terminal Formative (Barber & Joyce 2006:223- 9; Martínez López et al. 1995:236- 38; Winter 1986:341- 2)." [172] "Despite increasing political and religious authority, public settings like the Main Plaza stressed the symbols of communal authority and an emerging corporate identity, while muting representations of the increasingly powerful rulers of the city. Although nobles lived near the ceremonial precinct and directed public rituals, until the Classic period (ad 300- 800) the Main Plaza itself had few overt representations of local nobles and there were no high-status residences directly facing the plaza. Rulers were represented solely in the hieroglyphic inscriptions set in Building L-sub, which were probably understandable only to the literate nobility. The earliest known ruler’s portrait, Monument J-41, dates to c.ad 100. [...] Although the Main Plaza was a public space focused on cosmic symbolism and community, ritual practices carried out there also contributed to the power of the nobility and an increasing separation of noble and commoner identities (A. Joyce 2000; Urcid 2008). Based on the iconographic and epigraphic evidence, as well as analogies with the early colonial period, public ceremonies were probably organized and led by nobles, and perhaps high-ranking members of religious and military organizations. The role of nobles as ritual specialists, especially sacrificers, dramatically communicated and reinforced their identities as mediators between commoners and the sacred." [173]

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ [present; absent] ♥ "Although hereditary nobles are increasingly evident in the archaeological record, representations of rulers are muted in public expressions of political and religious authority. The authority of the nobility may have been simultaneously couched in, but in dynamic tension with, traditional forms of authority that were more communal, egalitarian, and locally based. Residential and mortuary data, however, indicate increasing social differentiation in the Oaxaca Valley during the Late/Terminal Formative (Barber & Joyce 2006:223- 9; Martínez López et al. 1995:236- 38; Winter 1986:341- 2)." [174] "Despite increasing political and religious authority, public settings like the Main Plaza stressed the symbols of communal authority and an emerging corporate identity, while muting representations of the increasingly powerful rulers of the city. Although nobles lived near the ceremonial precinct and directed public rituals, until the Classic period (ad 300- 800) the Main Plaza itself had few overt representations of local nobles and there were no high-status residences directly facing the plaza. Rulers were represented solely in the hieroglyphic inscriptions set in Building L-sub, which were probably understandable only to the literate nobility. The earliest known ruler’s portrait, Monument J-41, dates to c.ad 100. [...] Although the Main Plaza was a public space focused on cosmic symbolism and community, ritual practices carried out there also contributed to the power of the nobility and an increasing separation of noble and commoner identities (A. Joyce 2000; Urcid 2008). Based on the iconographic and epigraphic evidence, as well as analogies with the early colonial period, public ceremonies were probably organized and led by nobles, and perhaps high-ranking members of religious and military organizations. The role of nobles as ritual specialists, especially sacrificers, dramatically communicated and reinforced their identities as mediators between commoners and the sacred." [175]
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ [present; absent] ♥ "Although hereditary nobles are increasingly evident in the archaeological record, representations of rulers are muted in public expressions of political and religious authority. The authority of the nobility may have been simultaneously couched in, but in dynamic tension with, traditional forms of authority that were more communal, egalitarian, and locally based. Residential and mortuary data, however, indicate increasing social differentiation in the Oaxaca Valley during the Late/Terminal Formative (Barber & Joyce 2006:223- 9; Martínez López et al. 1995:236- 38; Winter 1986:341- 2)." [176] "Despite increasing political and religious authority, public settings like the Main Plaza stressed the symbols of communal authority and an emerging corporate identity, while muting representations of the increasingly powerful rulers of the city. Although nobles lived near the ceremonial precinct and directed public rituals, until the Classic period (ad 300- 800) the Main Plaza itself had few overt representations of local nobles and there were no high-status residences directly facing the plaza. Rulers were represented solely in the hieroglyphic inscriptions set in Building L-sub, which were probably understandable only to the literate nobility. The earliest known ruler’s portrait, Monument J-41, dates to c.ad 100. [...] Although the Main Plaza was a public space focused on cosmic symbolism and community, ritual practices carried out there also contributed to the power of the nobility and an increasing separation of noble and commoner identities (A. Joyce 2000; Urcid 2008). Based on the iconographic and epigraphic evidence, as well as analogies with the early colonial period, public ceremonies were probably organized and led by nobles, and perhaps high-ranking members of religious and military organizations. The role of nobles as ritual specialists, especially sacrificers, dramatically communicated and reinforced their identities as mediators between commoners and the sacred." [177]

♠ Ideology reinforces prosociality ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ production of public goods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ inferred absent ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [178] [179] [180]

References

  1. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2017, 1) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2017. Settlement Patterns in the Albarradas Area of Highland Oaxaca, Mexico: Frontiers, Boundaries, and Interaction. Fieldiana Anthropology, 46(1):1-162. Publication 1572. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-46.1.1
  2. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p84
  3. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  4. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London.
  5. ↑ Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2004). "Primary state formation in Mesoamerica." Annual Review of Anthropology: 173-199, p177
  6. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p144
  7. ↑ Balkansky, A. K. (1998). "Origin and collapse of complex societies in Oaxaca, Mexico: Evaluating the era from 1965 to the present." Journal of World Prehistory 12(4): 451-493, p460
  8. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p155
  9. ↑ (Flannery and Marcus 1976, 375) Kent V. Flannery and Joyce Marcus. 1976. 'Formative Oaxaca and the Zapotec Cosmos'. American Scientist 64 (4): 374-83.
  10. ↑ (Marcus and Flannery 1983, 81) Joyce Marcus and Kent V. Flannery. 1983. 'The Origins of the State in Oaxaca: Editors' Introduction', in The Cloud People: Divergent Evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec Civilizations, edited by Joyce Marcus and Kent V. Flannery, 79-83. New York: Academic Press.
  11. ↑ (Blanton 1983, 84) Richard E. Blanton. 1983. 'The Founding of Monte Albán', in The Cloud People: Divergent Evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec Civilizations, edited by Joyce Marcus and Kent V. Flannery, 83-87. New York: Academic Press.
  12. ↑ (Blanton 1983, 84) Richard E. Blanton. 1983. 'The Founding of Monte Albán', in The Cloud People: Divergent Evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec Civilizations, edited by Joyce Marcus and Kent V. Flannery, 83-87. New York: Academic Press.
  13. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 141-42) Arthur A. Joyce. 2009. Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico. Malden, MA: Wiley‐Blackwell.
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  17. ↑ (Flannery and Marcus 2003, 11804) Kent V. Flannery and Joyce Marcus. 2003. 'The Origin of War: New C-14 Dates from Ancient Mexico'. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 100 (20): 11801-05.
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  23. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2003). "The origin of war: New C-14 dates from ancient Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100(20): 11801-11805, p11804
  24. ↑ Feinman, G. M., et al. (1985). "Long-term demographic change: A perspective from the valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." Journal of Field Archaeology 12(3): 333-362, p346
  25. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2017, 31) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2017. Settlement Patterns in the Albarradas Area of Highland Oaxaca, Mexico: Frontiers, Boundaries, and Interaction. Fieldiana Anthropology, 46(1):1-162. Publication 1572. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-46.1.1
  26. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2017, 31) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2017. Settlement Patterns in the Albarradas Area of Highland Oaxaca, Mexico: Frontiers, Boundaries, and Interaction. Fieldiana Anthropology, 46(1):1-162. Publication 1572. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-46.1.1
  27. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2017, 31) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2017. Settlement Patterns in the Albarradas Area of Highland Oaxaca, Mexico: Frontiers, Boundaries, and Interaction. Fieldiana Anthropology, 46(1):1-162. Publication 1572. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-46.1.1
  28. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2013, 183) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2013. Settlement Patterns of the Ejutla Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico: A Diachronic Macroscale Perspective. Fieldiana Anthropology, 43(1):1-330. 2013. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-43.00.1
  29. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2013, 183) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2013. Settlement Patterns of the Ejutla Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico: A Diachronic Macroscale Perspective. Fieldiana Anthropology, 43(1):1-330. 2013. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-43.00.1
  30. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2003). "The origin of war: New C-14 dates from ancient Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100(20): 11801-11805, p11804
  31. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p139
  32. ↑ (Blanton, Feinman, Kowalewski, Nicholas 1999, 53) Blanton, Richard E. Feinman, Gary M. Kowalewski, Stephen A. Nicholas, Linda M. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. The Monte Alban State. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.
  33. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2017, 31) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2017. Settlement Patterns in the Albarradas Area of Highland Oaxaca, Mexico: Frontiers, Boundaries, and Interaction. Fieldiana Anthropology, 46(1):1-162. Publication 1572. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-46.1.1
  34. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2013, 183) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2013. Settlement Patterns of the Ejutla Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico: A Diachronic Macroscale Perspective. Fieldiana Anthropology, 43(1):1-330. 2013. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-43.00.1
  35. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2013, 183) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2013. Settlement Patterns of the Ejutla Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico: A Diachronic Macroscale Perspective. Fieldiana Anthropology, 43(1):1-330. 2013. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-43.00.1
  36. ↑ Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2004). "Primary state formation in Mesoamerica." Annual Review of Anthropology: 173-199, p176
  37. ↑ Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2004). "Primary state formation in Mesoamerica." Annual Review of Anthropology: 173-199, p176
  38. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p163
  39. ↑ Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2003). "Militarism, resistance, and early state development in Oaxaca, Mexico." Social Evolution & History 2: 25-70, p34
  40. ↑ Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2004). "Primary state formation in Mesoamerica." Annual Review of Anthropology: 173-199, p176-8
  41. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1976). "Formative Oaxaca and Zapotec Cosmos." American Scientist 64(4): 374-383, p375
  42. ↑ Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2004). "Primary state formation in Mesoamerica." Annual Review of Anthropology: 173-199, p176-8
  43. ↑ Blanton, R. E., et al. (1982). The Prehispanic Settlement Patterns of the Central and Southern Parts of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Regents of the University of Michigan, the Museum of Anthropology.
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  45. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2013, 56) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2013. Settlement Patterns of the Ejutla Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico: A Diachronic Macroscale Perspective. Fieldiana Anthropology, 43(1):1-330. 2013. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-43.00.1
  46. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p96
  47. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1976). "Formative Oaxaca and Zapotec Cosmos." American Scientist 64(4): 374-383, p375
  48. ↑ Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2004). "Primary state formation in Mesoamerica." Annual Review of Anthropology: 173-199, p176-8
  49. ↑ Blanton, R. E., et al. (1982). The Prehispanic Settlement Patterns of the Central and Southern Parts of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Regents of the University of Michigan, the Museum of Anthropology.
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  85. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York.
  86. ↑ Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2004). "Primary state formation in Mesoamerica." Annual Review of Anthropology: 173-199, p179
  87. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. p159
  88. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  89. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  90. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  91. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  92. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  93. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  94. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  95. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  96. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  97. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  98. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  99. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  100. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  101. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  102. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  103. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  104. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  105. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  106. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  107. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  108. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  109. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  110. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  111. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  112. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  113. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p36
  114. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p133
  115. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. p153
  116. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  117. ↑ Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People. New York. p217-8
  118. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  119. ↑ Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People. New York. p217-8
  120. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  121. ↑ Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People. New York. p217-8
  122. ↑ (Hassig 1992, 143) Hassig, Robert. 1992. War and Society in Ancient Mesoamerica. London; Berkeley: University of California Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/F76EVNU3/itemKey/E9VHCKDG
  123. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  124. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  125. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  126. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  127. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York., p36
  128. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  129. ↑ (Hassig 1992, 143) Hassig, Robert. 1992. War and Society in Ancient Mesoamerica. London; Berkeley: University of California Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/F76EVNU3/itemKey/E9VHCKDG
  130. ↑ (Hassig 1992, 143) Hassig, Robert. 1992. War and Society in Ancient Mesoamerica. London; Berkeley: University of California Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/F76EVNU3/itemKey/E9VHCKDG
  131. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  132. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  133. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  134. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  135. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  136. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  137. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  138. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  139. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  140. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  141. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  142. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  143. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  144. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  145. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1976). "Formative Oaxaca and Zapotec Cosmos." American Scientist 64(4): 374-383.
  146. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feiman, G.M., Finsten, L., Blanton, R. E. and Nicholas, L. M. Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: the prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacoula, Etla and Ocotlán, the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor
  147. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2003). "The origin of war: New C-14 dates from ancient Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100(20): 11801-11805, p11804
  148. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. p150
  149. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2003). "The origin of war: New C-14 dates from ancient Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100(20): 11801-11805, p11804
  150. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  151. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  152. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. p150
  153. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2003). "The origin of war: New C-14 dates from ancient Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100(20): 11801-11805, p11804
  154. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. p150
  155. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2003). "The origin of war: New C-14 dates from ancient Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100(20): 11801-11805, p11804
  156. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2003). "The origin of war: New C-14 dates from ancient Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100(20): 11801-11805, p11804
  157. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p151
  158. ↑ Blanton, Richard. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. p.129
  159. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p84
  160. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  161. ↑ Blanton, Richard. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. p.129
  162. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p84
  163. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  164. ↑ Blanton, Richard. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. p.129
  165. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p84
  166. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  167. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico pp. 141-142. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  168. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 139)
  169. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 144-145)
  170. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 143)
  171. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 144)
  172. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico pp. 141-142. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  173. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico pp. 144-145. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  174. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico pp. 141-142. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  175. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico pp. 144-145. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  176. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico pp. 141-142. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  177. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico pp. 144-145. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  178. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-acknowledgements.html
  179. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-narratives.html
  180. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-nga_tables.html
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