USMisRo

From Seshat Data Browser
Jump to navigation Jump to search

Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner ♥

♠ Original name ♣ Cahokia - Late Woodland I ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ American Bottom; Late Woodland; Rosewood Phase ♥

♠ Peak Date ♣ 450 CE ♥

Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 300-450 CE ♥

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ none ♥

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ none ♥

Collapse of the Hopewell system lead to the abandonment of mound centers and alliance-exchange relationships. [1]

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ Cahokia - Middle Woodland ♥ Cement Hollow, Holding and Hill Lake are the successive traditions of the Middle Woodland period between 150 BCE - 300 BCE.[2]
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ Continuity ♥
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ Cahokia - Late Woodland II ♥
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ Late Woodland ♥
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ ♥ km squared.

♠ Capital ♣ ♥


♠ Language ♣ ♥

General Description

2000 BCE
Period of population growth begins [3]

1 CE

c1 CE "large quantities of native cultigens began to be incorporated into midcontinental diets. [4]
100 CE
Maize appears in the archaeological record [5]
Atlatl is the contemporary weapon [6]
"periodic rituals at ceremonial mound centers" [7]
"groups ensured access to needed resources through maintenance of alliance-exchange relationships" [8]
200 CE
300 CE
Early arrowheads appear. "Beginning A.D. 300-400, the bow replaced the atlatl in most regions" [9]
In the Mississippian region (Midwest and Upland South) the transition from atlatl to bow was "relatively rapid because dart points disappear from the archaeological record" [10]
Introduction of the bow in the Mississippi region decreased social complexity because it caused the collapse of the Hopewell system, the abandonment of mound centers and alliance-exchange relationships [11]
Bow enabled a new bow and native crops subsistence strategy which lead to a movement to and the effective exploitation of previously marginal lands and "household autonomy" [12]
There followed an economic intensification and population growth which eventually "packed the landscape with settlements." [13]
400 CE
500 CE


"The greatest environmental hazard would have been a late summer Mississippi River flood similar to the one that took place in 1993. A rise in the river at that time of the year simultaneously drowned crops, prevented easy fishing in shallow ponds, and ruined food stored in underground pits. Floods attributable to severe storms, including excessive water funnelled into the floodplain by creeks that drain the uplands, certainly caused localized disasters much like they did a century ago before effective flood-control measures were put in place." [14]

"No other major site was as advantageously situated. Cahokia was located in what was by far the widest expanse of land suitable for settlement in the American Bottom. More people could live there than anywhere else ... The high ground where Cahokia was located was bordered on the north and south by large tracts of low-lying land that received the waters of different upland streams."[15]


Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner; Kalin Bullman ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ ♥ in squared kilometers.


♠ Polity Population ♣ ♥ People.


♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ [30-50] ♥ Inhabitants. Estimate. Population of the American Bottom was negligible before Sponemann-Collinsville-Loyd phase.

Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ 1 ♥ levels.

Before the nucleated villages of the Late Woodland Patrick phase

"From the Late Woodland Patrick phase through Emergent Mississippian times, communities in the floodplain and immediately adjacent uplands tended to consist of groups of structures. Most people lived in these nucleated villages, each of which was occupied by at least a few tens of people, and sometimes several times that number. Only a small proportion of the valley's inhabitants lived in houses that were widely separated from one another." [16]


♠ Administrative levels ♣ [1-2] ♥ levels.

No evidence for an increase in social complexity and hierarchy or deviation from the "trend toward household autonomy" at this time. [17]

Collapse of the Hopewell system lead to the abandonment of mound centers and alliance-exchange relationships. [18]


1. Chief

2. Elder. kin group leaders [19]


♠ Religious levels ♣ suspected unknown ♥ levels.

Shaman-like religious leaders.


♠ Military levels ♣ suspected unknown ♥ levels.

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ absent ♥

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ absent ♥

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ absent ♥

Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ absent ♥

♠ Examination system ♣ absent ♥

♠ Merit promotion ♣ absent ♥

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ absent ♥

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ absent ♥

♠ Judges ♣ absent ♥

♠ Courts ♣ absent ♥

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ absent ♥

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ absent ♥
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ absent ♥
♠ markets ♣ absent ♥
♠ food storage sites ♣ absent ♥

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ absent ♥
♠ Bridges ♣ absent ♥ There were no bridges in prehistoric North America.
♠ Canals ♣ absent ♥
♠ Ports ♣ absent ♥

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ present ♥ From earliest times people of American bottom were visiting a number of sources. This is not mentioned in current literature. Two examples: Wyandot, in the Ohio river valley and Mill Creek just south of the American bottom.

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ ♥
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ ♥
♠ Written records ♣ absent ♥ There is no written record for Cahokia.[20]
♠ Script ♣ absent ♥
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ absent ♥

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ absent ♥
♠ Calendar ♣ absent ♥
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ absent ♥
♠ Religious literature ♣ absent ♥
♠ Practical literature ♣ absent ♥
♠ History ♣ absent ♥
♠ Philosophy ♣ absent ♥
♠ Scientific literature ♣ absent ♥
♠ Fiction ♣ absent ♥


Money

♠ Articles ♣ present ♥ Exchange-system economy. [21]
♠ Tokens ♣ ♥
♠ Precious metals ♣ ♥
♠ Foreign coins ♣ absent ♥
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ absent ♥
♠ Paper currency ♣ absent ♥

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ absent ♥
♠ Postal stations ♣ absent ♥
♠ General postal service ♣ absent ♥

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner; Enrico Cioni; Kalin Bullman ♥

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ ♥
♠ Bronze ♣ absent ♥
♠ Iron ♣ absent ♥
♠ Steel ♣ absent ♥

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ inferred absent ♥ Most sources only refer to bows and arrows[22], and even they appear to have been used mostly for hunting, not warfare, judging from the fact that skeletons pierced with arrowpoints become common only later. Indeed, there is little evidence for warfare in the region up until "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[23]
♠ Atlatl ♣ absent ♥ "Beginning A.D. 300-400, the bow replaced the atlatl in most regions" [24] However, not regularly used as a weapon: evidence of victims "struck by arrows and clubs" increased only during "last half of the first millennium" [25]
♠ Slings ♣ inferred absent ♥ The atlatl was the main weapon of this region before the introduction of the bow c300-400 CE. [26][27]
♠ Self bow ♣ present ♥ "Beginning A.D. 300-400, the bow replaced the atlatl in most regions" [28] However, not regularly used as a weapon: evidence of victims "struck by arrows and clubs" increased only during "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[29]
♠ Composite bow ♣ absent ♥ Checked by Peter Peregrine.
♠ Crossbow ♣ absent ♥
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ absent ♥
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ absent ♥
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ absent ♥
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ absent ♥

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ present ♥ However, not regularly used as a weapon: evidence of victims "struck by arrows and clubs" increased only during "last half of the first millennium" [30]
♠ Battle axes ♣ inferred absent ♥ Most sources only refer to bows and arrows[31], and even they appear to have been used mostly for hunting, not warfare, judging from the fact that skeletons pierced with arrowpoints become common only later. Indeed, there is little evidence for warfare in the region up until "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[32]
♠ Daggers ♣ inferred absent ♥ Most sources only refer to bows and arrows[33], and even they appear to have been used mostly for hunting, not warfare, judging from the fact that skeletons pierced with arrowpoints become common only later. Indeed, there is little evidence for warfare in the region up until "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[34]
♠ Swords ♣ inferred absent ♥ Most sources only refer to bows and arrows[35], and even they appear to have been used mostly for hunting, not warfare, judging from the fact that skeletons pierced with arrowpoints become common only later. Indeed, there is little evidence for warfare in the region up until "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[36]
♠ Spears ♣ inferred absent ♥ Most sources only refer to bows and arrows[37], and even they appear to have been used mostly for hunting, not warfare, judging from the fact that skeletons pierced with arrowpoints become common only later. Indeed, there is little evidence for warfare in the region up until "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[38]
♠ Polearms ♣ inferred absent ♥ Most sources only refer to bows and arrows[39], and even they appear to have been used mostly for hunting, not warfare, judging from the fact that skeletons pierced with arrowpoints become common only later. Indeed, there is little evidence for warfare in the region up until "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[40]

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ inferred absent ♥ Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups." The situation only changed "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[41]
♠ Donkeys ♣ absent ♥
♠ Horses ♣ absent ♥
♠ Camels ♣ absent ♥
♠ Elephants ♣ absent ♥

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ inferred absent ♥ Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups." The situation only changed "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[42] Of course, wooden objects would not survive in the archaeological record.
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ inferred absent ♥ Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups." The situation only changed "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[43] Of course, such objects would not survive in the archaeological record.
♠ Shields ♣ absent ♥ Checked by Peter Peregrine.
♠ Helmets ♣ absent ♥ Checked by Peter Peregrine.
♠ Breastplates ♣ absent ♥ Checked by Peter Peregrine.
♠ Limb protection ♣ absent ♥ Checked by Peter Peregrine.
♠ Chainmail ♣ absent ♥
♠ Scaled armor ♣ absent ♥
♠ Laminar armor ♣ absent ♥
♠ Plate armor ♣ absent ♥

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ inferred absent ♥ Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups." The situation only changed "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[44]
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ absent ♥
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ absent ♥

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ absent ♥ Settlements primarily located for access to water and arable land. [45]
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ inferred absent ♥ Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups." The situation only changed "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[46]
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ inferred absent ♥ Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups." The situation only changed "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[47]
♠ Ditch ♣ inferred absent ♥ Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups." The situation only changed "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[48]
♠ Moat ♣ inferred absent ♥ Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups." The situation only changed "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[49]
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ inferred absent ♥ Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups." The situation only changed "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[50]
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ inferred absent ♥ Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups." The situation only changed "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[51]
♠ Fortified camps ♣ inferred absent ♥ Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups." The situation only changed "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".[52]
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ absent ♥ Checked by Peter Peregrine.
♠ Long walls ♣ 0 ♥ km.
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥

Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner ♥

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ absent ♥ Late Woodland mounds "seldom exhibit the elaborate mortuary practices of the Middle Woodland."[53] The continued existence of mound-building would perhaps suggest some leadership, possibly kin group leaders. However, chiefs are thought to have appeared after 700-800 CE.[54] As such there was probably no real "executive" even though the presence of mound building shows a level of societal organization. As such there was no real "executive" to constrain or government to do it.
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ absent ♥ Late Woodland mounds "seldom exhibit the elaborate mortuary practices of the Middle Woodland."[55] The continued existence of mound-building would perhaps suggest some leadership, possibly kin group leaders. However, chiefs are thought to have appeared after 700-800 CE.[56] As such there was probably no real "executive" even though the presence of mound building shows a level of societal organization. As such there was no real "executive" to constrain.
♠ Impeachment ♣ absent ♥ Late Woodland mounds "seldom exhibit the elaborate mortuary practices of the Middle Woodland."[57] The continued existence of mound-building would perhaps suggest some leadership, possibly kin group leaders. However, chiefs are thought to have appeared after 700-800 CE.[58] As such there was probably no real "executive" even though the presence of mound building shows a level of societal organization. As such there was no real "executive" to impeach.

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ inferred absent ♥ No evidence for an increase in social complexity and hierarchy or deviation from the "trend toward household autonomy" at this time. [59] Chiefs perhaps appeared after 700-800 CE.[60] Late Woodland mounds "seldom exhibit the elaborate mortuary practices of the Middle Woodland."[61] The continuence of mound building suggests a level of societal organization but whether there was an elite and how elite status was acquired if there was one is unknown.

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Edward Turner, Enrico Cioni ♥ The name of the research assistant or associate who coded the data. If more than one RA made a substantial contribution, list all.

Deification of Rulers

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ inferred absent ♥ Chiefs perhaps appeared after 700-800 CE.[62] Late Woodland mounds "seldom exhibit the elaborate mortuary practices of the Middle Woodland."[63] Mound building suggests a level of societal organization but in this period social stratification is still low and there is no mention of cultic objects in burials to suggest a religion. We might assume it unlikely that leaders of this age boasted of an explicit relationship with gods.

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ inferred absent ♥ Chiefs perhaps appeared after 700-800 CE.[64] Late Woodland mounds "seldom exhibit the elaborate mortuary practices of the Middle Woodland."[65] Mound building suggests a level of societal organization but in this period social stratification is still low and there is no mention of cultic objects in burials to suggest a religion. We might assume it unlikely that leaders of this age boasted of an explicit relationship with gods.

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ inferred absent ♥ Chiefs perhaps appeared after 700-800 CE.[66] Late Woodland mounds "seldom exhibit the elaborate mortuary practices of the Middle Woodland."[67] Mound building suggests a level of societal organization but in this period social stratification is still low. However, this mound-building might suggest a very rudimentary ideological reinforcement of inequality rather than equality.

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ inferred present ♥ Chiefs not attested before 700-800 CE[68] so no proper "rulers" existed and so the society must have been relatively egalitarian. Late Woodland mounds "seldom exhibit the elaborate mortuary practices of the Middle Woodland."[69] Mound building suggests a level of societal organization but in this period social stratification is still low.
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ inferred present ♥ Chiefs not attested before 700-800 CE[70] so no proper "rulers" existed and so the society must have been relatively egalitarian. Late Woodland mounds "seldom exhibit the elaborate mortuary practices of the Middle Woodland."[71] Mound building suggests a level of societal organization but in this period social stratification is still low. To the extent that "ideological thought" can be said to have existed the concepts of ruler and an elite may not have been part of it at this early time.

♠ Ideology reinforces prosociality ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ production of public goods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ inferred absent ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [72] [73] [74]

References

  1. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  2. (Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston. p.21)
  3. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013)
  4. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013)
  5. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  6. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  7. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  8. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  9. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  10. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  11. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  12. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  13. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  14. (Milner 2006, 168)
  15. (Milner 2006, 168)
  16. (Milner 2006, 98)
  17. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  18. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  19. (Iseminger 2014, 26)
  20. (Peregrine 2014, 32)
  21. (Milner 2006, 138)
  22. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  23. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  24. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  25. (Milner 2006, 174)
  26. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  27. (Iseminger 2010, 24) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  28. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  29. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  30. (Milner 2006, 174)
  31. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  32. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  33. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  34. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  35. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  36. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  37. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  38. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  39. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  40. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  41. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  42. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  43. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  44. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  45. (Peregrine 2014, personal communication)
  46. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  47. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  48. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  49. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  50. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  51. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  52. (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6
  53. (Iseminger 2010, 25) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  54. (Iseminger 2010, 26) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  55. (Iseminger 2010, 25) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  56. (Iseminger 2010, 26) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  57. (Iseminger 2010, 25) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  58. (Iseminger 2010, 26) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  59. (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95)
  60. (Iseminger 2010, 26) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  61. (Iseminger 2010, 25) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  62. (Iseminger 2010, 26) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  63. (Iseminger 2010, 25) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  64. (Iseminger 2010, 26) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  65. (Iseminger 2010, 25) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  66. (Iseminger 2010, 26) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  67. (Iseminger 2010, 25) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  68. (Iseminger 2010, 26) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  69. (Iseminger 2010, 25) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  70. (Iseminger 2010, 26) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  71. (Iseminger 2010, 25) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.
  72. http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-acknowledgements.html
  73. http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-narratives.html
  74. http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-nga_tables.html

Peregrine P, Ortman S, Rupley, E. 2014. Social Complexity at Cahokia. SFI WORKING PAPER: 2014-03-004. Sante Fe Institute.

Milner, G R. 2006. The Cahokia Chiefdom: The Archaeology of a Mississippian Society. University Press of Florida. Gainesville.

Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America's First City. The History Press. Charleston.

Blitz J H, Porth E S. 2013. Social complexity and the Bow in the Eastern Woodlands. Evolutionary Anthropology. 22:89-95. Wiley.

Milner G R, Chaplin, G and Zavodny, E. 2013. Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America. Evolutionary Anthropology. 22:96=102. Wiley.