PkUrbn2

From Seshat Data Browser
Jump to navigation Jump to search

Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams; Robert Harding; Will Farrell; Enrico Cioni ♥

♠ Original name ♣ Kachi Plain - Urban Period II ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ Mature Harappan ♥

♠ Peak Date ♣ ♥

Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 2100-1800 BCE ♥

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ quasi-polity ♥

The extent to which people in the Mature Harappan period were unified in a single polity is debated. Evidence suggests that there was a certain degree centralised authority to ensure the standardisation of weights, craft specialisation and the uniform urban planning at sites including Nausharo, Mohenjo Daro and Kalibangan (Rajasthan)[1]; but different forms of material culture suggest several distinct areas in the Indus Valley.[2]

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ none ♥

The extent that people in the Mature Harappan period were unified in a single polity is debated. Evidence suggests that there was a certain degree centralised authority to ensure the standardisation of weights, craft specialisation and the uniform urban planning at sites including Nausharo, Mohenjo Daro (Sindh) and Kalibangan (Rajasthan)[3]; but distinct material culture suggest several distinct areas in the Indus Valley.[4]

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ Kachi Plain - Urban Period I ♥
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ continuity ♥
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ Kachi Plain - Post-Urban Period ♥
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ Indus Civilisation ♥
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ [1,000,000-1,500,000] ♥ km squared. 1,250,000 squared kilometres.

♠ Capital ♣ unknown ♥ Possibly {Harappa; Mohenjo-daro}

♠ Language ♣ ♥ The Indus script has not yet been deciphered by linguists: "The nature and content of the Indus script has been extensively debated in the literature. More than a hundred attempts have been made to assign meanings to various signs and sign combinations, relating it to proto-Dravidian language (see Parpola 2009, 1994, Mahadevan 1998) on the one hand and to Sanskrit (Rao 1982) on the other. It has even been suggested that the script is entirely numeric (Subbarayappa 1997). However, no consistent and generally agreed interpretation exists and most interpretations are at variance with each other and, at times, internally inconsistent (Possehl 1996)."[5] There were almost certainly a wide range of languages spoken, perhaps including one (or several) from an ancient language family known as 'Proto-Dravidian'.[6] "Para-Munda, spoken in the Punjab at the time when the Rigvedic Aryans arrived and seemingly also by the Late Harappan settlers who were moving eastward into the Ganges region, must have been in the subcontinent for a considerable period. If the area where it was spoken in the Pre-Harappan period included the Indo-Iranian borderlands, then it is likely that Para-Munda was the main Harappan language, at least in the Punjab and probably throughout the civilization, and that Dravidian was a language spoken by the indigenous inhabitants of the west, possibly as far northwest as Saurashtra. In this case the language of the PostHarappans in Gujarat may have developed into the North Dravidian branch.//Alternatively Para-Munda may have been the language spoken by the hunter-gatherer-fisher communities that inhabited the Indus region before the people of the borderlands settled in the plains. If the newcomers to the region in the fifth millennium were Dravidian speakers, then it is possible that a Dravidian language was spoken by at least some of the farmers and pastoralists of the borderlands who settled in the plains and therefore by some Harappans but that Para-Munda remained the main language of many Harappan inhabitants of the Punjab. Studies of the Harappan script indicate that it was used to write a single language. It seems plausible that the overarching cultural unity of the Harappans would be matched by the existence of an official language, used in writing and spoken as a lingua franca throughout the Harappan realms. Nevertheless, it is quite possible that one or several other languages were also spoken in the Harappan state, specific to different regions or occupational groups, reflecting the different communities that had come together in its formation. Prolonged bilingualism is known to have occurred in other areas, for example in Mesopotamia where Sumerian and Akkadian coexisted for many centuries: though they belonged originally to the south and north parts of southern Mesopotamia (Sumer and Akkad), educated people from both regions spoke both languages."[7]

General Description

The Mature Harappan culture, also known as the Indus Civilization, emerged around 2500 BCE and, from its core in the Indus and Saraswati Valleys, expanded to the Kachi plain and the Makran coast in the west, to Gujarat in the south, and to the foothills of the Himalayas and the northern borders of the Ganga-Yamuna Doab in the north and east. This civilization was characterized by the establishment of several large cities, most notably Mohenjo-daro, the largest of these centres and the one best positioned to control trade and communications throughout the region. Rather than being united by a single shared ideology, it appears that the Indus people had a wide range of beliefs and/or religions.[8] Around 1900 or 1800 BCE, the Indus Civilization began to decline, possibly due to environmental factors.[9]

Population and political organization

There is no clear or explicit evidence for the existence of rulers during the Mature Harappan period, though archaeologists have suggested a number of different possible ways its cities - or perhaps its entire territory - may have been governed, ranging from heterarchy to theocracy.[10] Certainly the Harappans could boast a well developed bureaucracy, as suggested by seals, tablets, and other inscribed artefacts.[11]
The scholarly literature does not appear to provide population estimates for the Indus Valley as a whole, but one source suggests a population of 100,000 for the largest Harappan city, Mohenjo-daro.[12]

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams; Robert Harding; Will Farrell; Enrico Cioni ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ [100,000-170,000] ♥ "Harappan cities each served a huge domain of between 100,000 and 170,000 square kilometers"[13]

♠ Polity Population ♣ ♥

♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ 100,000 ♥ "[Mohenjo-daro] was probably more than 250 hectares in extent, and it may have housed as many as a hundred thousand people."[14]

Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ [3-4] ♥ levels. "The Harappan settlement pattern may offer some clues to the organization of society. The settlements fall basically into three categories. First there are a very few enormous settlements, the cities. These were at least 60 hectares in extent (Dholavira, which may actually be as much as 100 hectares) and could be as large as 250 hectares (Mohenjo-daro).//"At the opposite end of the spectrum were rural settlements: farming villages, pastoralist and hunter-gatherer camps, and fishing villages. These could range in size from less than a hectare to 7 or 8 hectares. Their inhabitants were essentially primary producers of subsistence products who would also have undertaken domestic crafts such as weaving and woodworking. In addition, there were villages whose inhabitants were specialists, such as the shellfishers and shellworkers of Nageshwar.//"The third category, towns, is an amorphous catch-all, including a great diversity of different types of settlement. They were usually quite small, around 1 to 5 hectares, and, though some were larger, few exceeded 16 hectares. This figure does not include the suburbs that may have existed outside many towns; traces of suburban settlement have been reported outside a few and are suspected at others, but none has been properly investigated.//"While towns resembled cities in that they housed officials, traders, and other occupational specialists and probably provided services for the people of their area, the majority were also specialist centers."//"The settlement pattern seems to indicate that both towns and villages were tributary directly to their local domain capital (city), links between them being maintained by pastoralists and via water transport; towns also acted as funnels through which local goods were channeled toward the city."[15]

1. Cities
2. Towns
3. Villages
4. Pastoralist and hunter-gatherer camps

♠ Administrative levels ♣ [1-2] ♥ "Many inscribed materials, including seals, copper tablets, and stoneware bangles, hint at a well developed bureaucracy organized from this center."[16] It does not seem that anyone has attempted to estimate the number of levels within this "well developed bureaucracy", though it seems reasonable to infer a minimum of 2.

♠ Religious levels ♣ 2 ♥ Speculative. "The stone sculpture known as the Priest-King wears an elaborately decorated robe, draped to expose his chest and right shoulder. This was possibly a garment worn only by rulers or senior priests. [...] North of the Great Bath, shut off from the outside world, was an accommodation block with bathrooms on the ground floor and presumably sleeping quarters above. Since the Great Bath was most probably a religious facility, it is likely that these nearby buildings provided the residential and administrative quarters of the priests who served here."[17]

1. Senior priest (Priest-King?)
2. Priest

♠ Military levels ♣ [0-1] ♥ levels. Kenoyer writes that there is no evidence of the existence of an army during the period 2600 BCE 1900 BCE[18], although it has been argued that the absence of evidence does not mean that the Harappan people lived peacefully throughout the period: "More significantly, our knowledge of warfare in Egypt and Mesopotamia is heavily dependent on textual evidence and art; but this simply does not exist to portray any aspect of life in the Indus Civilisation. The absence of artistic or textual reference to war in the Indus is therefore no more representative of a lack of war than a lack of trade, agriculture or urbanisation - none of which are in any doubt.”[19]

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ inferred absent ♥ Kenoyer writes that there is no evidence of the existence of an army during the period 2600 BCE 1900 BCE[20], although it has been argued that the absence of evidence does not mean that the Harappan people lived peacefully throughout the period: "More significantly, our knowledge of warfare in Egypt and Mesopotamia is heavily dependent on textual evidence and art; but this simply does not exist to portray any aspect of life in the Indus Civilisation. The absence of artistic or textual reference to war in the Indus is therefore no more representative of a lack of war than a lack of trade, agriculture or urbanisation - none of which are in any doubt.”[21]

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ inferred absent ♥ Kenoyer writes that there is no evidence of the existence of an army during the period 2600 BCE 1900 BCE[22], although it has been argued that the absence of evidence does not mean that the Harappan people lived peacefully throughout the period: "More significantly, our knowledge of warfare in Egypt and Mesopotamia is heavily dependent on textual evidence and art; but this simply does not exist to portray any aspect of life in the Indus Civilisation. The absence of artistic or textual reference to war in the Indus is therefore no more representative of a lack of war than a lack of trade, agriculture or urbanisation - none of which are in any doubt.”[23]

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ present ♥ In the broader context of the Mature Harappan there is evidence for priests, and Kenoyer refers to "ritual specialist".[24]


Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ present ♥ "Many inscribed materials, including seals, copper tablets, and stoneware bangles, hint at a well developed bureaucracy organized from this center."[25] The extensive system for the acquisition and distribution of raw materials also suggests some sort of city-based administrative apparatus.

♠ Examination system ♣ ♥

♠ Merit promotion ♣ ♥

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ inferred present ♥ "Many inscribed materials, including seals, copper tablets, and stoneware bangles, hint at a well developed bureaucracy organized from this center."[26] "Also characteristic of Indus towns and cities were several negative features, notably the apparent paucity or absence of substantial administrative and religious buildings and of readily identifiable elite residences. Few large-scale storage facilities have been identified. [...] The tiny settlement of Allahdino did not have a separate citadel (or it was all citadel), but its layout and buildings suggest that it fulfilled an administrative role. [...] In the area to the north of the Great Bath at Mohenjo-daro, there was a block of eight bathrooms, arranged in two rows of four, each with a flight of stairs leading to an upper story. It has been plausibly suggested that this housed people (priests?) associated with the Great Bath. A nearby open courtyard may have been associated with the block but was separated from it by the street that ran between the east side of the Great Bath and a large complex known as the College. In the latter there were many small rooms, often faced with brick, and several courtyards, including a large one surrounded by a fenestrated walkway. At least seven entrances gave access to this complex, suggesting it was composed of a number of individual residences or fulfilled a number of functions, perhaps related to administration. [...] The Granary at Harappa has also been suggested to have been a palace or administrative building. [...] "[27]

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ ♥

♠ Judges ♣ ♥

♠ Courts ♣ ♥

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ ♥

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ inferred absent ♥ "[T]here is no evidence from the Indus period either of large-scale irrigation or of salinization there: The annual river floods and limited rainfall seem to have been adequate to support agriculture in the plains."[28]
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ present ♥ "Water played a vital part in the life of the Harappan people, and they were skilled hydraulic engineers. Michael Jansen has calculated that there were seven hundred or more wells at Mohenjo-daro, present in one in three houses. Those without a well of their own, however, were served by the public water supply, and the great wear around the rims of wells in houses suggests that they too were used by more than the immediate household. Grooves in the well curb show that water was drawn using containers, such as pots or wood buckets, attached to ropes. The huge number of wells at Mohenjo-daro indicates that the city was too far from the river for convenience; Jansen (1987) suggests that pits dug to extract clay for construction filled with rainwater and may been used as an additional water source for the city."[29]
♠ markets ♣ inferred present ♥ Market spaces are suggested by the layout of Harappan settlements, particularly the central area of Mohenho-daro[30].
♠ food storage sites ♣ present ♥ For example, granaries, and large storage facilities at Alladino[31]. "These larger communities had houses with uniform sized bricks, granaries, massive city walls, gateways, and extensive areas of craft production..."[32]

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ present ♥ "Straight cardinally orientated main streets generally divided Harappan towns and cities into residential blocks. The impression of the early excavators at Mohenjo-daro, reinforced by excavations at Kalibangan, was that settlements were laid out in a checkerboardlike grid pattern. Although more recent investigations have shown this to be untrue, the layout was nevertheless governed by precise criteria. The main streets ran north-south, diverging from this orientation by no more than 2 degrees. [...] The planned layout, foreshadowed in the Early Harappan period at a few sites such as Harappa, Kalibangan, and Nausharo, was strictly maintained throughout the Mature Harappan period, with wide clear streets. The Late Harappan period, however, saw the abandonment of planning and the encroachment of buildings into the streets."[33]
♠ Bridges ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Canals ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Ports ♣ inferred present ♥ Lothal may have been a port town: "Of particular importance was the 'port' town of Lothal in Gujarat, excavated by S. R. Rao, which had a concentration of craft workshops, producing many typical Indus objects such as beads and metalwork, and substantial storehouses. An enigmatic large brick basin on the east side of the town was initially interpreted as a dock and is still not understood."[34]

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ present ♥ "The great majority of the Harappan population must have been primary producers: farmers, pastoralists, fishers, or hunter-gatherers. Many, however, probably also engaged in other occupations during the periods in the year when there was time to spare from subsistence activities. [...] In addition hunter-gatherers, and perhaps pastoralists, could include in their seasonal round visits to places where other resources could be obtained, so they may have been largely responsible for mining gemstones and for quarrying flint in the Rohri Hills."[35] Shortugai for lapis-lazuli.

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ ♥
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ ♥
♠ Written records ♣ present ♥ "Despite huge interest in its decipherment, the writing of the Harappans still cannot be read, for a number of reasons: the absence of bilingual inscriptions to provide a starting point, the stylized form of the signs, the very limited length and nature of the texts, ignorance of the language that the script was being used to record, and the fact that the script died out instead of giving rise to later scripts. In addition, the number of signs indicates that the script was probably logosyllabic; so the number of components to be deciphered and the complexities of their use and interrelations are much greater than they would be with a syllabic or alphabetic script."[36]
♠ Script ♣ present ♥ "Despite huge interest in its decipherment, the writing of the Harappans still cannot be read, for a number of reasons: the absence of bilingual inscriptions to provide a starting point, the stylized form of the signs, the very limited length and nature of the texts, ignorance of the language that the script was being used to record, and the fact that the script died out instead of giving rise to later scripts. In addition, the number of signs indicates that the script was probably logosyllabic; so the number of components to be deciphered and the complexities of their use and interrelations are much greater than they would be with a syllabic or alphabetic script."[37]
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ inferred absent ♥ "Despite huge interest in its decipherment, the writing of the Harappans still cannot be read, for a number of reasons: the absence of bilingual inscriptions to provide a starting point, the stylized form of the signs, the very limited length and nature of the texts, ignorance of the language that the script was being used to record, and the fact that the script died out instead of giving rise to later scripts. In addition, the number of signs indicates that the script was probably logosyllabic; so the number of components to be deciphered and the complexities of their use and interrelations are much greater than they would be with a syllabic or alphabetic script."[38]

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ inferred present ♥ Due to likely existence of bureaucracy.
♠ Calendar ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Only eight texts longer than fifteen signs have been found.[39]
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ unknown ♥ Only eight texts longer than fifteen signs have been found.[40]
♠ Religious literature ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Only eight texts longer than fifteen signs have been found.[41] However, it is worth noting that mythological scenes accompanied by short texts have been found.
♠ Practical literature ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Only eight texts longer than fifteen signs have been found.[42]
♠ History ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Only eight texts longer than fifteen signs have been found.[43]
♠ Philosophy ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Only as only eight texts longer than fifteen signs have been found.[44]
♠ Scientific literature ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Only eight texts longer than fifteen signs have been found.[45] However, "The layout of Harappan towns and cities provides evidence that the Harappans had a good knowledge of astronomy. The orientation of the main streets in cities and towns followed the cardinal directions. ... Holger Wanzke's study (1987) of the orientation of Mohenjo-jaro's streets demonstrated that they deviated from the north-south line by 1-2 degrees. A slight divergence was also observed at other Harappan sites. Wanzke therefore proposed that the Harappans were establishing the cardinal directions by sighting on the stars ... A star calendar based on an intimate knowledge of the movements of the heavens is recorded in later Indian literature."[46]
♠ Fiction ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Only eight texts longer than fifteen signs have been found[47]


Money

♠ Articles ♣ present ♥ "Based on Mesopotamian texts, the materials that did function in exchanges were "barley, lead, copper or bronze, tin, silver, gold... Barley, lead and copper or bronze...[were]...cheaper monies, tin was mid-range, silver and the much rarer gold were high-range monies" (Powell 1996: 227ff)... What distinguishes silver and barley from the materials listed, along with "cows, sheep, asses, slaves, household utensils" and other items, is that they possessed a common denominator for value based on systems of weighing, measuring, and possibly quality."[48] Monetary items were therefore present in the Indus area at this time, and presumed present at Nausharo in order to trade for foreign items, but there direct evidence for 'money' at Nausharo is lacking.
♠ Tokens ♣ suspected unknown ♥ "Based on Mesopotamian texts, the materials that did function in exchanges were "barley, lead, copper or bronze, tin, silver, gold... Barley, lead and copper or bronze...[were]...cheaper monies, tin was mid-range, silver and the much rarer gold were high-range monies" (Powell 1996: 227ff)... What distinguishes silver and barley from the materials listed, along with "cows, sheep, asses, slaves, household utensils" and other items, is that they possessed a common denominator for value based on systems of weighing, measuring, and possibly quality."[49] Monetary items were therefore present in the Indus area at this time, and presumed present at Nausharo in order to trade for foreign items[50], but there direct evidence for 'money' at Nausharo is lacking.
♠ Precious metals ♣ inferred present ♥ "Based on Mesopotamian texts, the materials that did function in exchanges were "barley, lead, copper or bronze, tin, silver, gold... Barley, lead and copper or bronze...[were]...cheaper monies, tin was mid-range, silver and the much rarer gold were high-range monies" (Powell 1996: 227ff)... What distinguishes silver and barley from the materials listed, along with "cows, sheep, asses, slaves, household utensils" and other items, is that they possessed a common denominator for value based on systems of weighing, measuring, and possibly quality."[51] Monetary items were therefore present in the Indus area at this time, and presumed present at Nausharo in order to trade for foreign items[52], but there direct evidence for 'money' at Nausharo is lacking.
♠ Foreign coins ♣ absent ♥ Neither coins nor paper currency were present in the Indus Valley at this time.[53]
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ absent ♥ Neither coins nor paper currency were present in the Indus Valley at this time.[54]
♠ Paper currency ♣ absent ♥ Neither coins nor paper currency were present in the Indus Valley at this time.[55]

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ inferred present ♥ Probably to facilitate trade and diplomatic relations[56].
♠ Postal stations ♣ inferred present ♥ Probably to facilitate trade and diplomatic relations[57].
♠ General postal service ♣ inferred present ♥ Probably to facilitate trade and diplomatic relations[58].

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams; Robert Harding; Will Farrell; Enrico Cioni ♥

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ inferred present ♥ Copper arrowheads, though it is not clear whether these were used in warfare. These had been found at Harappan, Lothal and Banawali. Neighbouring communities, such as the so-called Ganeshwar and Jodhpura Cultural Complex (GJCC) seem to have used similar types of arrowheads[59].
♠ Bronze ♣ inferred present ♥ Bronze arrowheads, though it is not clear whether these were used in warfare. These had been found at Harappan, Lothal and Banawali. Neighbouring communities, such as the so-called Ganeshwar and Jodhpura Cultural Complex (GJCC) seems to have used similar types of arrowheads[60].
♠ Iron ♣ absent ♥ No evidence for iron has been found from the Mature Harappan period - iron was introduced later during the Pirak and Vedic periods. [61] [62]
♠ Steel ♣ absent ♥ Steel was not present at Nausharo at this time.[63]

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ inferred absent ♥ Not mentioned in Cork's (2005, 2006) reviews of evidence that the Harappans engaged in warfare.[64][65]
♠ Atlatl ♣ absent ♥ New World weapon.
♠ Slings ♣ inferred absent ♥ "Terracotta balls, interpreted as sling-stones or throwing stones (Wheeler 1968: 76-77) are also common finds at major Indus cities, and although explicitly considered by Wheeler, they have largely been ignored. [...] However, it is very likely that the majority of them, especially the smaller examples, were meant for hunting small birds and animals, a point Mackay acknowledges."[66] "Small, perforated spherical objects of various sizes have been interpreted in a number of ways: as mace heads, digging stick weights, or bolas components." [67] Bolas are "weapon, used particularly in the ancient Americas, for catching animals. It consisted of one or several lengths of rope to which stone balls were attached, and was thrown to entangle an animal’s legs, bringing it down. It has been suggested that the Harappan perforated balls, which are usually called mace heads, may have been part of such a device." [68]
♠ Self bow ♣ [absent; present] ♥ "almost all arrows found are swallow-tailed and un-tanged". However, Cork himself notes that the scholarly consensus is that there is little direct evidence for warfare in the region at this time, and that Indus weaponry has been interpreted as having been used for hunting rather than fighting.[69] A copper arrowhead has been uncovered at Nausharo. [70]
♠ Composite bow ♣ absent ♥ Developed later.
♠ Crossbow ♣ absent ♥ No evidence of crossbows has been found from the Mature Harappan period. [71]
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ absent ♥ No evidence for tension siege engines has been found from the Mature Harappan period. [72]
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ absent ♥ No evidence for sling siege engines has been found from the Mature Harappan period. [73]
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ absent ♥ Nausharo was a pre-modern settlement.
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ absent ♥ Nausharo was a pre-modern settlement.

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ [absent; present] ♥ "The presence of maceheads (both metal and stone), which Yadin (1963: 40) has suggested were made defunct by the adoption of helmets, supports [the possibility that helmets were not used]." However, Cork himself notes that the scholarly consensus is that there is little direct evidence for warfare in the region at this time, and that Indus weaponry has been interpreted as having been used for hunting rather than fighting.[74]
♠ Battle axes ♣ [absent; present] ♥ “Unsocketed Harappan axes are seen to be technologically inferior to their socketed Mesopotamian counterparts. However, unsocketed axes were evidently used in military contexts in Mesopotamia alongside more complex designs.”[75] … “Clearly, flat axes were used as weapons in Egypt and Mesopotamia during the Third Millennium, leaving no reason to suppose that those from the Indus were not.” However, Cork himself notes that the scholarly consensus is that there is little direct evidence for warfare in the region at this time, and that Indus weaponry has been interpreted as having been used for hunting rather than fighting.[76]
♠ Daggers ♣ [absent; present] ♥ “The exact function of Harappan blades is uncertain, but they closely match types of daggers from the Levant and the Near East…These ancient Near Eastern blades have a thickness consistent with the Indus examples, but it is not suggested that they were too fragile for practical use, or that they were restricted to domestic (non-violent) uses.”[77]
♠ Swords ♣ absent ♥ "Swords only appeared relatively late in the Near East (Postgate 1992: 249), not becoming common until the Iron Age. There is therefore no reason to suppose that the lack of swords in the Indus Civilisation reflects an absence of hand-to-hand combat."[78]
♠ Spears ♣ [absent; present] ♥ "Although the four analysed Harappan blades (interpreted as spears) do not have a great deal of tin (maximum 2.6 per cent), neither do the Levantine tanged and riveted spearheads: tin is not present in 15 of 20 such spears, and only one example has over 0.5 per cent." However, Cork himself notes that the scholarly consensus is that there is little direct evidence for warfare in the region at this time, and that Indus weaponry has been interpreted as having been used for hunting rather than fighting.[79] A copper spearhead has been uncovered at Nausharo.[80]
♠ Polearms ♣ inferred absent ♥ Not mentioned in Cork's (2005, 2006) reviews of evidence that the Harappans engaged in warfare.[81][82]

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ suspected unknown ♥ "Bones of the domestic dog (Canis familiaris) have been found in many Harappan sites, as have a number of dog figurines. These indicate that there were several different breeds, including a squat animal resembling a bulldog and a rangy beast like an Afghan hound. Another type had pointed ears, while a fourth had an upright tail. Collars are shown around the necks of some of the figurines, reinforcing their domestic status. One dog is shown tied to a post and may represent a guard dog." [83]
♠ Donkeys ♣ absent ♥ The closest thing to a donkey in Harappan times was probably the onager, a type of wild ass, but it seems unlikely it was used in warfare. "The onager is apparently too intractable to be domesticated, although there are claims that young onager can be tamed. Wild onager could provide meat and skins for leather: This is probably the reason for the presence of equid bones on Indus sites." [84] (From the 'Historical Dictionary of Ancient India') Amri, mid-4th millennium BCE onward: "There is evidence for the domestication of cattle, sheep, goat, and donkey."[85]
♠ Horses ♣ absent ♥ Horses were not present in the Kachi Plain at this time.[86]
♠ Camels ♣ absent ♥ "Camels were probably of no local significance during the Indus civilization, and those present might have belonged to traders from eastern Iran or Turkmenia, where they were in common use." [87]
♠ Elephants ♣ absent ♥ "The fauna of the greater Indus region included the Indian elephant (Elephas maximus). Ivory, which probably came mainly from the elephant, was extensively used by the Harappans: At Mohenjo-daro it was more common than bone as a material for making artifacts. Elephant bones have been recov- ered from a number of sites throughout the Indus region, from Lothal and Surkotada in Gujarat, to Mohenjo-daro and Chanhu-daro in Sindh, and to Harappa and Kalibangan in the east; although elephants could have been hunted for their meat, these bones may suggest that tame elephants were employed as work animals, to haul logs, for example. Further suggestive evidence of tame elephants comes from representations on seals of elephants apparently wearing a cloth over their back, and a clay model of elephant’s head with painted designs on its forehead: Elephants are similarly decorated with paint on festive days in modern South Asia." [88]

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ ♥
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ suspected unknown ♥ There may be a very tentative link between the presence of rhinoceroses at Nausharo and the use of rhinoceros hides to create shields, but this is based on inference from ethnographic analogy and more evidence is needed to confirm that rhinoceros hide was used in this way[89]. There may be no way to directly prove this suggestion as leather is an organic material and is likely to have perished in the archaeological record.
♠ Shields ♣ inferred absent ♥ Not mentioned in Cork's (2005, 2006) reviews of evidence that the Harappans engaged in warfare.[90][91] There may be a very tentative link between the presence of rhinoceroses at Nausharo and the use of rhinoceros hides to create shields, but this is based on inference from ethnographic analogy and more evidence is needed to confirm that rhinoceros hide was used in this way[92].
♠ Helmets ♣ absent ♥ "Besides not producing many socketed weapons, the Indus is also lacking in narrow-bladed axes and square-sectioned spears. These axe designs have been connected with the appearance of body-armour, and the ensuing need for piercing weapons (Yadin 1963: 40), and the square-sectioned spears may arguably have been a response to the same stimulus. The absence of these designs in the Indus, or at least of weapons that seem to have an emphasis on piercing through something, implies that armour (presumably made of organic materials, as no metal helmets or scales of armour have been found) was not commonly used."[93]
♠ Breastplates ♣ absent ♥ "Besides not producing many socketed weapons, the Indus is also lacking in narrow-bladed axes and square-sectioned spears. These axe designs have been connected with the appearance of body-armour, and the ensuing need for piercing weapons (Yadin 1963: 40), and the square-sectioned spears may arguably have been a response to the same stimulus. The absence of these designs in the Indus, or at least of weapons that seem to have an emphasis on piercing through something, implies that armour (presumably made of organic materials, as no metal helmets or scales of armour have been found) was not commonly used."[94]
♠ Limb protection ♣ absent ♥ "Besides not producing many socketed weapons, the Indus is also lacking in narrow-bladed axes and square-sectioned spears. These axe designs have been connected with the appearance of body-armour, and the ensuing need for piercing weapons (Yadin 1963: 40), and the square-sectioned spears may arguably have been a response to the same stimulus. The absence of these designs in the Indus, or at least of weapons that seem to have an emphasis on piercing through something, implies that armour (presumably made of organic materials, as no metal helmets or scales of armour have been found) was not commonly used."[95]
♠ Chainmail ♣ absent ♥ No evidence for chainmail has been found from the Mature Harappan period. [96]
♠ Scaled armor ♣ absent ♥ No evidence for scaled armor has been found from the Mature Harappan period. [97]
♠ Laminar armor ♣ absent ♥ No evidence for laminar armor has been found from the Mature Harappan period. [98]
♠ Plate armor ♣ absent ♥ No evidence for plate armor has been found from the Mature Harappan period. [99]

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ inferred absent ♥ In the broader Mature Harappan context, although small vessels would potentially have been present and used at the (contested) dockyard at Lothal, there is no evidence to suggest that the vessels would have been used for military purposes.[100]
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ absent ♥ Nausharo is landlocked.

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ ♥
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ suspected unknown ♥ "The dismissal of city walls as defensive structures and the identification of the architecture on the ‘citadel’ mound at Mohenjo Daro as connected with ritual and public use rather than royal or defensive use are also arguably influenced by the acceptance of a warless society and elite." [101]
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ suspected unknown ♥ A mudbrick wall at Nausharo could potentially be the remains of fortifications, or the remains of a retaining wall[102]. Mudbrick walls were built around Harappa in this period[103], making a defensive wall around Nausharo seem more likely, but it is uncertain whether these walls had a defensive function and were not solely used for purposes of tax collection by controlling the in- and outflow of people and goods.[104]
♠ Ditch ♣ ♥
♠ Moat ♣ ♥
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ absent ♥ There is no evidence of stone walls at Nausharo.[105] However - the claimed unsuitability of walls and gates is somewhat subjective, and ignores sites with bastions and ‘double-axis’ gateways (such as Dholavira and Surkotada in Gujarat, Bisht 1991; Joshi 1990).[106]
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ absent ♥ There is no evidence of stone walls at Nausharo.[107] However - the claimed unsuitability of walls and gates is somewhat subjective, and ignores sites with bastions and ‘double-axis’ gateways (such as Dholavira and Surkotada in Gujarat, Bisht 1991; Joshi 1990).[108]
♠ Fortified camps ♣ absent ♥ As yet no evidence for fortified camps has been found in the Kachi Plain from this time period.
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ absent ♥ "Indus city walls and gates are not generally thought to have performed defensive functions, analogous to those in contemporary Mesopotamia."[109] There is no evidence for complex fortifications at Nausharo.[110]
♠ Long walls ♣ 0 ♥ km. Long wall building: "The tradition seems more prevalent in Central Asia, although the oldest dated example is only Achaemenid. This is the wall of Kam Pirak, a rammed mud defensive wall that has been traced for about 60 kilometres across northern Afghanistan."[111]
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥ Nausharo was occupied in pre-modern times.

Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni ♥

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

These codes refer to an explicit or defined right for some group to constrain the activity of the executive in some way, typically through a legal code, but other ways are imaginable (explain in paragraph if other mechanisms found). When coding ‘present’ for each of the below codes, provide explanation and give examples of the constraints being used, or note that the constraints were formalized but are no known instances of its use in practice.

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ ♥
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ ♥
♠ Impeachment ♣ ♥

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ unknown ♥

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni ♥

Deification of Rulers

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥ "A prominent feature of most civilizations is evidence of the ruling elite: palatial residences, rich burials, unique luxury products, and propaganda such as monumental inscriptions and portrait statuary or reliefs. Strikingly, these are all absent from the Indus civilization." [112] Possehl speculates that, instead of a king, "Indus peoples were ruled by a series of 'coucils' or gatherings of leaders, rather than a king. Age and gender probably counted for much in the determination of leadership, as did adherence to and practice of the Indus ideology. There may have been civic councils for individual settlements, regional councils for the Domans or the political unit above the civic, and possibly a supreme 'Indus Council.' I sense in the Indus peoples a marked distrust in government, per se, especially strong, centralized government." [113] For her part, McIntosh speculates that Harappan society was ruled by a theocracy of priests: "In some ways, however, the dichotomy between temporal and religious authority is a false distinction. In all ancient civilizations, whatever the form of government, the rulers governed through divine sanction. The gods were always the ultimate authority in society, and the rulers the channel through which their will was done. In this sense every society was a theocracy. [...] To my mind, the model of a society in which power was vested in the priesthood fits the Harappan evidence.//The elusive trappings of power, the emphasis on the use of water for purification, and the suggestion of segregation rather than glorification all accord better with a spiritual than with a temporal elite and head of state. The absence of overt evidence of the use of force as a sanction for unacceptable behavior suggests that the intangible threat of divine punishment was the main sanction that kept potential wrongdoers in line and ensured conformity with the requirements of the social order. Communities are generally very effective in administering and policing such a system themselves, without the need of intervention by the state." [114]

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥ "A prominent feature of most civilizations is evidence of the ruling elite: palatial residences, rich burials, unique luxury products, and propaganda such as monumental inscriptions and portrait statuary or reliefs. Strikingly, these are all absent from the Indus civilization." [115] Possehl speculates that, instead of a king, "Indus peoples were ruled by a series of 'coucils' or gatherings of leaders, rather than a king. Age and gender probably counted for much in the determination of leadership, as did adherence to and practice of the Indus ideology. There may have been civic councils for individual settlements, regional councils for the Domans or the political unit above the civic, and possibly a supreme 'Indus Council.' I sense in the Indus peoples a marked distrust in government, per se, especially strong, centralized government." [116] For her part, McIntosh speculates that Harappan society was ruled by a theocracy of priests: "In some ways, however, the dichotomy between temporal and religious authority is a false distinction. In all ancient civilizations, whatever the form of government, the rulers governed through divine sanction. The gods were always the ultimate authority in society, and the rulers the channel through which their will was done. In this sense every society was a theocracy. [...] To my mind, the model of a society in which power was vested in the priesthood fits the Harappan evidence.//The elusive trappings of power, the emphasis on the use of water for purification, and the suggestion of segregation rather than glorification all accord better with a spiritual than with a temporal elite and head of state. The absence of overt evidence of the use of force as a sanction for unacceptable behavior suggests that the intangible threat of divine punishment was the main sanction that kept potential wrongdoers in line and ensured conformity with the requirements of the social order. Communities are generally very effective in administering and policing such a system themselves, without the need of intervention by the state." [117]

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ inferred present ♥ Burial data suggests an overall egalitarian ideology. Moreover, there is no hard evidence for social hierarchies of any kind, though some people could afford higher-quality goods than others. However, some sources speculate that Harappan civilisation was characterised by a caste-like social divisions, based perhaps on ritual purity: "The caste system, fundamental to the structure of Indian society in later times, has its basis in the concept of ritual purity. Contact with many elements of organic life introduces ritual pollution, and bathing can remove this in many cases. As different activities convey different degrees of pollution, a hierarchy is created by the activities that individual groups can perform and by other related practices: For instance, vegetarianism is more pure than meat eating, and various types of meat, such as game, are less polluting than others. While the caste system is the product of millennia of evolution, its origins may well lie in the religious beliefs of the Harappans.//Kenoyer (1989, 188) singles out a number of features relating to a hierarchy based on ritual purity that would be visible in the material record: segregation of living areas; private water sources, drainage, and waste disposal; and distinct types of vessels for preparing, cooking, and serving food. He points to the existence of separate sectors in the Harappan settlements, such as the walled citadel (though he notes the absence of such divisions in some small sites such as Allahdino) and the emphasis on privacy in the home, exemplified by the arrangement of the entrance to prevent the direct viewing of or access to the interior courtyard; to this one can add the restrictions on access within areas of the settlements and even within some structures. There were private wells and well developed systems of drainage and waste disposal in many Harappan settlements.//While in other societies, the quality and material of artifacts may provide an indication of the wealth of different groups and their ability to command access to restricted resources, it is possible that hierarchy among the Harappans may have been organized along different lines. If ritual purity were the key factor in determining status, as it may well have been, those higher up the status scale would be identifiable by their possession of artifacts and materials thought to be more pure. In traditional South Asia, materials such as metal that can be purified after use are more pure than those that cannot, such as unglazed terra-cotta. Different styles of particular objects may also be associated with people in different ritual status groups, usable among themselves but liable to be polluted if used by individuals of lower ritual status: For example, at Mohenjo-daro Dales and Kenoyer (1986) identified five different varieties of cooking vessel that might have been used by different status groups." [118]

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ inferred present ♥ "A prominent feature of most civilizations is evidence of the ruling elite: palatial residences, rich burials, unique luxury products, and propaganda such as monumental inscriptions and portrait statuary or reliefs. Strikingly, these are all absent from the Indus civilization." [119] Possehl speculates that, instead of a king, "Indus peoples were ruled by a series of 'coucils' or gatherings of leaders, rather than a king. Age and gender probably counted for much in the determination of leadership, as did adherence to and practice of the Indus ideology. There may have been civic councils for individual settlements, regional councils for the Domans or the political unit above the civic, and possibly a supreme 'Indus Council.' I sense in the Indus peoples a marked distrust in government, per se, especially strong, centralized government." [120] For her part, McIntosh speculates that Harappan society was ruled by a theocracy of priests: "In some ways, however, the dichotomy between temporal and religious authority is a false distinction. In all ancient civilizations, whatever the form of government, the rulers governed through divine sanction. The gods were always the ultimate authority in society, and the rulers the channel through which their will was done. In this sense every society was a theocracy. [...] To my mind, the model of a society in which power was vested in the priesthood fits the Harappan evidence.//The elusive trappings of power, the emphasis on the use of water for purification, and the suggestion of segregation rather than glorification all accord better with a spiritual than with a temporal elite and head of state. The absence of overt evidence of the use of force as a sanction for unacceptable behavior suggests that the intangible threat of divine punishment was the main sanction that kept potential wrongdoers in line and ensured conformity with the requirements of the social order. Communities are generally very effective in administering and policing such a system themselves, without the need of intervention by the state." [121] It is possible, but not certain, that either Possehl's councils or McIntosh's priests were seen as superior to other members of Indus society, perhaps because of a king of proto-caste system: "The caste system, fundamental to the structure of Indian society in later times, has its basis in the concept of ritual purity. Contact with many elements of organic life introduces ritual pollution, and bathing can remove this in many cases. As different activities convey different degrees of pollution, a hierarchy is created by the activities that individual groups can perform and by other related practices: For instance, vegetarianism is more pure than meat eating, and various types of meat, such as game, are less polluting than others. While the caste system is the product of millennia of evolution, its origins may well lie in the religious beliefs of the Harappans.//Kenoyer (1989, 188) singles out a number of features relating to a hierarchy based on ritual purity that would be visible in the material record: segregation of living areas; private water sources, drainage, and waste disposal; and distinct types of vessels for preparing, cooking, and serving food. He points to the existence of separate sectors in the Harappan settlements, such as the walled citadel (though he notes the absence of such divisions in some small sites such as Allahdino) and the emphasis on privacy in the home, exemplified by the arrangement of the entrance to prevent the direct viewing of or access to the interior courtyard; to this one can add the restrictions on access within areas of the settlements and even within some structures. There were private wells and well developed systems of drainage and waste disposal in many Harappan settlements.//While in other societies, the quality and material of artifacts may provide an indication of the wealth of different groups and their ability to command access to restricted resources, it is possible that hierarchy among the Harappans may have been organized along different lines. If ritual purity were the key factor in determining status, as it may well have been, those higher up the status scale would be identifiable by their possession of artifacts and materials thought to be more pure. In traditional South Asia, materials such as metal that can be purified after use are more pure than those that cannot, such as unglazed terra-cotta. Different styles of particular objects may also be associated with people in different ritual status groups, usable among themselves but liable to be polluted if used by individuals of lower ritual status: For example, at Mohenjo-daro Dales and Kenoyer (1986) identified five different varieties of cooking vessel that might have been used by different status groups." [122] However, the current consensus is that Harappan society was overall egalitarian--because there is no archaeological or iconographic evidence for social hierarchies of any kind, including burials, which are quite similar to one another.
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ inferred present ♥ Some sources speculate that Harappan civilisation was characterised by a caste-like social divisions, based perhaps on ritual purity: "The caste system, fundamental to the structure of Indian society in later times, has its basis in the concept of ritual purity. Contact with many elements of organic life introduces ritual pollution, and bathing can remove this in many cases. As different activities convey different degrees of pollution, a hierarchy is created by the activities that individual groups can perform and by other related practices: For instance, vegetarianism is more pure than meat eating, and various types of meat, such as game, are less polluting than others. While the caste system is the product of millennia of evolution, its origins may well lie in the religious beliefs of the Harappans.//Kenoyer (1989, 188) singles out a number of features relating to a hierarchy based on ritual purity that would be visible in the material record: segregation of living areas; private water sources, drainage, and waste disposal; and distinct types of vessels for preparing, cooking, and serving food. He points to the existence of separate sectors in the Harappan settlements, such as the walled citadel (though he notes the absence of such divisions in some small sites such as Allahdino) and the emphasis on privacy in the home, exemplified by the arrangement of the entrance to prevent the direct viewing of or access to the interior courtyard; to this one can add the restrictions on access within areas of the settlements and even within some structures. There were private wells and well developed systems of drainage and waste disposal in many Harappan settlements.//While in other societies, the quality and material of artifacts may provide an indication of the wealth of different groups and their ability to command access to restricted resources, it is possible that hierarchy among the Harappans may have been organized along different lines. If ritual purity were the key factor in determining status, as it may well have been, those higher up the status scale would be identifiable by their possession of artifacts and materials thought to be more pure. In traditional South Asia, materials such as metal that can be purified after use are more pure than those that cannot, such as unglazed terra-cotta. Different styles of particular objects may also be associated with people in different ritual status groups, usable among themselves but liable to be polluted if used by individuals of lower ritual status: For example, at Mohenjo-daro Dales and Kenoyer (1986) identified five different varieties of cooking vessel that might have been used by different status groups." [123] However, the current consensus is that Harappan society was overall egalitarian--because there is no archaeological or iconographic evidence for social hierarchies of any kind, including burials, which are quite similar to one another.

♠ Ideology reinforces prosociality ♣ ♥

♠ production of public goods ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Possehl speculates that technological innovation was promoted by Harappan ideology, and it's interesting that some of the inventions and technological developments of the time could be considered to be public goods: for example, urban drainage systems and brick-lined wells [124].

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ unknown ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [125] [126] [127]

References

  1. Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi. p44
  2. Schug, G. R., Gray, K., Mushrif-Tripathy, V., and Sankhyan, A. R. (2012) A peaceful realm? Trauma and social differentiation at Harappa. International Journal of Paleopathology 2, pp136-147. p136
  3. Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi. p44
  4. Schug, G. R., Gray, K., Mushrif-Tripathy, V., and Sankhyan, A. R. (2012) A peaceful realm? Trauma and social differentiation at Harappa. International Journal of Paleopathology 2, pp136-147. p136
  5. (Yadav and Vahia 2011, 3) Nisha Yadav and M.N. Vahia. 2011. Indus Script: A Study of its Sign Design. SCRIPTA 3: 1-36.
  6. Possehl, Gregory L., ‘The Transformation of the Indus Civilization’, Journal of World Prehistory, 11 (1997): 462; Gregory L. Possehl. The Indus Civilization. A Contemporary Perspective. Walnut Creek, Altamira, 2002, p.248
  7. (McIntosh 2008 page 2355-356) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  8. (McIntosh 2008, 83-84) McIntosh, Jane. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/5P92SHE8.
  9. (McIntosh 2008, 396-400) McIntosh, Jane. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/5P92SHE8.
  10. (McIntosh 2008, 391-92) McIntosh, Jane. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/5P92SHE8.
  11. (McIntosh 2008, 212) McIntosh, Jane. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/5P92SHE8.
  12. (McIntosh 2008, 214) McIntosh, Jane. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/5P92SHE8.
  13. (McIntosh 2008: 260) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  14. (McIntosh 2008, 214) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  15. (McIntosh 2008, pp. 260-261) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  16. (McIntosh 2008, 212) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  17. (McIntosh 2008, 252) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  18. Jonathan Mark Kenoyer. 'Uncovering the keys to the Lost Indus Cities', Scientific American, vol. 15, no. 1, 2005, p. 29
  19. Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p420
  20. Jonathan Mark Kenoyer. 'Uncovering the keys to the Lost Indus Cities', Scientific American, vol. 15, no. 1, 2005, p. 29
  21. Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p420
  22. Jonathan Mark Kenoyer. 'Uncovering the keys to the Lost Indus Cities', Scientific American, vol. 15, no. 1, 2005, p. 29
  23. Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p420
  24. Avari, Burjor, India: The Ancient Past: A History of the Indian Sub-Continent from C. 7000 BC to AD 1200 (London: Routledge, 2007), p.48; Kenoyer, Jonathan Mark, ‘The Indus Valley Tradition of Pakistan and Western India’, Journal of World Prehistory, 5 (1991), 370; Gregory L. Possehl. The Indus Civilization. A Contemporary Perspective. Walnut Creek, Altamira, 2002, p. 6.
  25. (McIntosh 2008, 212) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  26. (McIntosh 2008, 212) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  27. (McIntosh 2008, 210-233) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  28. (McIntosh 2008, 24) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  29. (McIntosh 2008, 235) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  30. (Ceccarelli, pers. comm. to E. Cioni, Feb 2017)
  31. (Ceccarelli, pers. comm. to E. Cioni, Feb 2017)
  32. Weber, S. (1999) Seeds of urbanism: palaeoethnobotany and the Indus Civilization. Antiquity (73): 813-26. p813
  33. (McIntosh 2008, 231-232) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  34. (McIntosh 2008, 231-232) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  35. (McIntosh 2008, 255) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  36. (McIntosh 2008, 356) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  37. (McIntosh 2008, 356) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  38. (McIntosh 2008, 356) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  39. Burjor Avari. India: The Ancient Past. A history of the Indian sub-continent from c.7000 BC to AD 1200. Oxon, 2007, p.51
  40. Burjor Avari. India: The Ancient Past. A history of the Indian sub-continent from c.7000 BC to AD 1200. Oxon, 2007, p.51
  41. Burjor Avari. India: The Ancient Past. A history of the Indian sub-continent from c.7000 BC to AD 1200. Oxon, 2007, p.51
  42. Burjor Avari. India: The Ancient Past. A history of the Indian sub-continent from c.7000 BC to AD 1200. Oxon, 2007, p.51
  43. Burjor Avari. India: The Ancient Past. A history of the Indian sub-continent from c.7000 BC to AD 1200. Oxon, 2007, p.51
  44. Burjor Avari. India: The Ancient Past. A history of the Indian sub-continent from c.7000 BC to AD 1200. Oxon, 2007, p.51
  45. Burjor Avari. India: The Ancient Past. A history of the Indian sub-continent from c.7000 BC to AD 1200. Oxon, 2007, p.51
  46. (McIntosh 2008, 346) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
  47. Burjor Avari. India: The Ancient Past. A history of the Indian sub-continent from c.7000 BC to AD 1200. Oxon, 2007, p.51
  48. Wright, R. P. (2010) The Ancient Indus: urbanism, economy and society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. p260
  49. Wright, R. P. (2010) The Ancient Indus: urbanism, economy and society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. p260
  50. Wright, R. P. (2010) The Ancient Indus: urbanism, economy and society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. p259
  51. Wright, R. P. (2010) The Ancient Indus: urbanism, economy and society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. p260
  52. Wright, R. P. (2010) The Ancient Indus: urbanism, economy and society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. p259
  53. Wright, R. P. (2010) The Ancient Indus: urbanism, economy and society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. p260
  54. Wright, R. P. (2010) The Ancient Indus: urbanism, economy and society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. p260
  55. Wright, R. P. (2010) The Ancient Indus: urbanism, economy and society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. p260
  56. (Ceccarelli, pers. comm. to E. Cioni, Feb 2017)
  57. (Ceccarelli, pers. comm. to E. Cioni, Feb 2017)
  58. (Ceccarelli, pers. comm. to E. Cioni, Feb 2017)
  59. (Ceccarelli, pers. comm. to E. Cioni, Feb 2017)
  60. (Ceccarelli, pers. comm. to E. Cioni, Feb 2017)
  61. Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423.
  62. Jarrige, J-F. (1979) Fouilles de Pirak. Paris : Diffusion de Boccard. p379
  63. Jarrige, J-F. (1979) Fouilles de Pirak. Paris : Diffusion de Boccard. p379
  64. (Cork 2005) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
  65. (Cork 2006) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IQQCEMPC/q/cork.
  66. (Cork 2006: 170) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IQQCEMPC/q/cork.
  67. (McIntosh 2008, 314)
  68. (McIntosh 2008, 405)
  69. (Cork 2005: 413, 416) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
  70. Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi. PL. 6.20.
  71. Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423.
  72. Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423.
  73. Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423.
  74. (Cork 2005: 413, 416) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
  75. Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p414; Ratnagar 1981: 98
  76. (Cork 2005: 413, 416) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
  77. Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p415
  78. Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p414
  79. (Cork 2005: 413, 416) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
  80. Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi. PL. 6.20.
  81. (Cork 2005) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
  82. (Cork 2006) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IQQCEMPC/q/cork.
  83. (McIntosh 2008, 129)
  84. (McIntosh 2008, 132)
  85. (Roy ed. 2009, 17) Kumkum Roy. ed. 2009. Historical Dictionary of Ancient India. The Scarecrow Press, Inc. Lanham.
  86. Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.
  87. (McIntosh 2008, 131)
  88. (McIntosh 2008, 131)
  89. Possehl, G. L. (1999) Indus Age Beginnings. Oxford and IBH Publishing: New Delhi, Calcutta. p204
  90. (Cork 2005) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
  91. (Cork 2006) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IQQCEMPC/q/cork.
  92. Possehl, G. L. (1999) Indus Age Beginnings. Oxford and IBH Publishing: New Delhi, Calcutta. p204
  93. (Cork 2006: 174) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IQQCEMPC/q/cork.
  94. (Cork 2006: 174) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IQQCEMPC/q/cork.
  95. (Cork 2006: 174) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IQQCEMPC/q/cork.
  96. Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423.
  97. Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423.
  98. Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423.
  99. Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423.
  100. Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.p132,138
  101. Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p413
  102. Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi. p44
  103. Jonathan M. Kenoyer. 'Uncovering the Keys to the Lost Indus Cities', Scientific American, vol. 15, no. 1, 2005, p. 29
  104. Jonathan M. Kenoyer. 'Trade and Technology of the Indus Valley: New Insights from Harappa, Pakistan', World Archaeology, vol. 29, no. 2, Oct. 1997, p. 263
  105. Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.
  106. Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p420
  107. Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.
  108. Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p420
  109. (Cork 2006: 4) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IQQCEMPC/q/cork.
  110. Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.
  111. (Ball 2001, 315) Warwick Ball. 2001. Rome in the East: The Transformation of an Empire. Routledge. London.
  112. McIntosh, J. The Ancient Indus Valley p. 4. Santa-Barbara: ABC-Clio.
  113. Possehl, G. 2002. The Indus Civilization. A Contemporary Perspective p. 57. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press.
  114. McIntosh, J. The Ancient Indus Valley pp. 392-393. Santa-Barbara: ABC-Clio.
  115. McIntosh, J. The Ancient Indus Valley p. 4. Santa-Barbara: ABC-Clio.
  116. Possehl, G. 2002. The Indus Civilization. A Contemporary Perspective p. 57. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press.
  117. McIntosh, J. The Ancient Indus Valley pp. 392-393. Santa-Barbara: ABC-Clio.
  118. McIntosh, J. The Ancient Indus Valley pp. 269-271. Santa-Barbara: ABC-Clio.
  119. McIntosh, J. The Ancient Indus Valley p. 4. Santa-Barbara: ABC-Clio.
  120. Possehl, G. 2002. The Indus Civilization. A Contemporary Perspective p. 57. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press.
  121. McIntosh, J. The Ancient Indus Valley pp. 392-393. Santa-Barbara: ABC-Clio.
  122. McIntosh, J. The Ancient Indus Valley pp. 269-271. Santa-Barbara: ABC-Clio.
  123. McIntosh, J. The Ancient Indus Valley pp. 269-271. Santa-Barbara: ABC-Clio.
  124. Possehl, G. 2002. The Indus Civilization. A Contemporary Perspective p. 58. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press.
  125. http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-acknowledgements.html
  126. http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-narratives.html
  127. http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-nga_tables.html