PeWari*

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Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner; Agathe Dupeyron ♥

♠ Original name ♣ Wari Empire ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ Wari State; Middle Horizon ♥ Middle Horizon.[1] Wari State.

"What the Wari called themselves or their empire we do not know—archaeologists and art historians use the term “Wari” because that is the modern name of the site that was its capital. At the time of the Spanish conquest, how- ever, that ancient city was called “Vinaque.” Could this have been the name of the capital, the people, or the empire in Wari times? Another possibility exists. A legend recorded in the sixteenth century about the Wari capital stated that it was built by a people who were bearded and white (see pp. 5-27, “The History of Inquiry into the Wari and Their Arts”). A similar legend was told about a Wari provincial center, Jincamocco; in this version the strangers were termed “Viracochas.” The Inca gave the name Viracocha to their creator deity, the god who brought civilization to the Andes. Does this name perhaps harken back to the earlier empire— Wari, which first brought this form of civilization to the Andes? Or does Viracocha simply refer to any foreigner, as the term does today? Sadly, we cannot answer these questions with any degree of certainty." [2]

♠ Peak Date ♣ 800 CE ♥

Rapid expansion into empire from mid-eighth century. [3] City of Wari: height of influence 700-800 CE. [4]

Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 650-999 CE ♥ [{550 CE; 600 CE; 650 CE; 700 CE}-{1000 CE; 1100 CE}] ... cannot yet be machine read.

Duration in the NGA: 600 - {900; 1000} CE. "While some ceramic evidence exists in Cuzco for Wari activity during Epoch 1A (ca. A.D. 500 - 600), extensive Wari presence did not occur until Epoch 1B (ca. A.D. 600 - 700). At this time, the Wari began building Pikillacta, occupying it during its construction. [...] During Epoch 1B until sometime in Epoch 2 (ca. A.D. 700 - 800), Pikillacta continued to be built and occupied. [...] Sometime during Epoch 2, but perhaps somewhat later, Wari activity at Pikillacta began to decrease. [...] Pikillacta was finally abandoned, although Wari activity in the Cuzco region may have persisted." [5].

According to Alan Covey: "The dates that McEwan and Glowacki offer for early Wari colonization (before AD 600) are based on their interpretation of relative ceramic chronologies, and the presumably earlier Huaro area colonization has not been dated absolutely. Maeve Skidmore completed a dissertation at SMU in 2014 with excavations at a Wari colony site, and she concluded that there was an intensification of Wari state relationships with their own colonists after AD 800. That would be my sense of the general chronology right now: an early Wari colonization around AD 600, an intensification of state efforts to extend administrative control over Wari and local populations around AD 800, and a failure of that intensification process by AD 1000." [6]

550 CE

Expansion "sometime after AD 550" continued until "at least AD 900" then sudden collapse.[7]
Expansion occurred during an environmental crisis involving droughts and floods in the mid sixth century.[8]
Start date possibly 540 CE. [9]

600 CE

"Flourished in the central Andean highlands and some coastal regions from around AD 600 to AD 900." [10]
600-1000 CE. Ayacucho valley. [11]

700 CE

Katherine Schreiber's interpretation of Wari as an empire: "By "empire" she means a political state that, starting in the mid-eighth century AD, rapidly expanded beyond its regional borders in Ayacucho to take control of a very large territory that encompassed much of highland and coastal Peru as well as many groups of people of diverse ethnicities, cultures, languages and social organization." [12]

Radiocarbon dates

Fig. 25 shows spread of radiocarbon dates from "Wari and Wari related contexts" in Cuzco region. The earliest spread (one context) calibrated with 68.2% probability is from 540-690 CE. The earliest main cluster (5 contexts) of spreads at 68.2% probability agree on a period 650-780 CE.
Fig. 25 shows the latest radiocarbon spread at 68.2% probability (one context) is 990-1100 CE, whilst the last main cluster at 68.2% probability (4 contexts) is roughly 890-1000 CE. [13]

Wari periodization, according to Menzel (summary quoted from Giersz and Makowski 2014):

"In the 1960s, Dorothy Menzel undertook a monumental and influential comparative study of pieces found in collections and the relatively scant ceramic sherds derived from test pits in Wari sites, some of which already had the first radiocarbon dates. The relative chronology of the Middle Horizon, the outcome of this study, represents the main starting point in any discus- sion of Wari and its time, and is still the conceptual framework for interpretation. In accordance with the stylistic seriation methodology outlined by Rowe, Menzel subdivided the period that extends from the rise of the Wari styles in the midst of local Early Intermediate Period pottery (Huarpa) into four epochs—which was marked by the influence of the coastal Nasca style (phases 8-9)—to the final decline of the forms and designs derived from this Ayacuchano tradition at the hands of others related with local traditions (i.e. Late Intermediate Tradition: Chanka pottery). These last two epochs were discarded after it was shown that they were in fact posterior to the abandonment of the presumed capitals in Ayacucho. With these modifications, Menzel argues that the history of the Wari culture is divided into two epochs and four phases, followed by a third phase, that of the decline:

Epoch 1, Phase A (Menzel’s original chronology: A.D. 550-600; new estimates: A.D. 600-700). The complex Altiplano iconography and its well-known front and profile personages from the Tiwanaku reliefs appear on Ayacucho pottery within the context of two new locally produced styles, Chakipampa—strongly related with the coastal tradition (Nasca 9)—and Ocros, as well as a third style with ample local antecedents—Huarpa (Figs. 11, 12 and 13). The Robles Moqo and Conchopata styles appear. More complex designs are found in the urns and jars from Conchopata, which have no Huarpa or Nazca precedent.
Epoch 1, Phase B (Menzel’s original chronology: A.D. 600-650; new estimates: A.D. 700-850). The new styles spread to the South Coast (Pacheco in Nazca, Cerro del Oro) and influence the local output of the Central Coast, for instance the Nievería style in the Rímac Valley.
Epoch 2 (new estimates: A.D. 850-1000), Phase A (Menzel’s original chrono- logy: A.D. 650-700). Wari consolidates its presence on the coast. New styles that synthesise and simplify the designs from previous phases spread from Arequipa to Piura: Viñaque, Atarco, Pachacamac and Ica-Pachacamac. It should however be emphasised that their decoration comprises religious motifs that in the previous epoch remained restricted to the Ayacucho’s ceremonial styles (Conchopata, Robles Moqo). The Wari Empire expanded rapidly in Epoch 2, Phase B (Menzel’s original chronology: A.D. 700-775) and reached its maximum extent. The Viñaque style reached such distant areas as Cajamarca to the North and Chuquibamba to the South. The trend towards schematisation and simplification were likewise heightened in the development of the styles, thus anticipating the decline of Wari (Figs. 14 and 15). The Empire evidently had declined by the end of Epoch 2 and most centres were abandoned.
Epochs 3 and 4 (new estimates: A.D. 1000-1050). Epoch 3 (Menzel’s original chronology: A.D. 775-850) was defined from the stylistic transformations seen in the mould-stamped pottery from the Central-North Coast: local forms and designs supposedly re-emerged, but several Wari designs and conventions endured. After Epoch 3, some Wari-style survivals would have characterised Epoch 4 (Menzel’s original chronology: A.D. 850-1000), which is superimposed with the subsequent Late Intermediate Period (Fig. 16).

Thanks to the first C14 dates, which were still reduced, Menzel proposed dating the Middle Horizon 1 and 2 to A.D. 550-775, and Epoch 3, that of the decline, to A.D. 775-850. We now have several long series of dates well- located in stratigraphic contexts, particularly from Conchopata, Pikillacta, Moquegua, Cajamarca, and also from Huari itself. The dates related with the construction of planned public architecture outside Ayacucho in the high- lands fall chronologically in A.D. 600-700 (cal.), and are visibly contemporary with the capital itself. The decline of Huari, the capital, took place instead in the eleventh century AD. Even so in some parts of Ayacucho like Azángaro, the Wari buildings remained in use up to the thirteenth century A.D. (cal.). The manufacture of pottery in the local, Middle Horizon “Huamanga” style also continued. A similar situation is observed in Cuzco and in Apurímac.8 The dated contexts evince that although Menzel correctly apprehended the broad outlines of some general trends in the development of ceramic styles, these do not let themselves be exclusively ascribed to short phases. Most of these styles endured for two or three centuries and none of them became the official imperial style, comparable in terms of their reception and prestige to the Imperial Inca style." [14]

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ unitary state ♥

"Wari was clearly a centralised state whose people settled outside of the Ayacucho region." [15] Centralized state in the heartland. Loose control over regions that might be considered colonies.

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ alliance ♥

"As the Wari entered the Cuzco region, they would have attempted to form coalitions with certain members of the local elite families, and then, over time tried to extend their direct administrative control over the region and its populace." [16] "In spite of Cajamarca’s great distance from the Wari capital, it seems to have been one of Wari’s strongest associates, hopping along wherever the Wari went." [17]

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ PeCuzE2 ♥ In the Cuzco NGA, that would be the Qotakalli quasi-polity. Examples of Early Intermediate period polities on the coast of Peru include the Nasca, the Moche, and the Lima. [18]
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ continuity; elite migration ♥ "While Wari colonization left an indelible mark on the Lucre Basin and Huaro area, it did not disrupt settlement in areas where Qotakalli pottery was most prevalent." [19] Ceramic analysis and settlement patterns by Covey and Bauer suggest that the Wari colonised selected parts of the NGA (the Lucre Basin) and influenced some of the elites, the local population carried on producing local ceramics. There were a few pockets of control but no hegemonic state controlling the NGA. [20] "The data suggest an archipelago of colonies and strategic installations, with restricted areas displaying high fidelity to Wari canons surrounded by regions with little or no evidence of Wari influence (Fig. 9). Such a viewpoint is consis- tent with settlement patterns in other regions of the Andes." [21]
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ PeCuzL1 ♥ In the Cuzco Valley, the succeeding quasi-polity was the Killke. Elsewhere in the Andes, Late Intermediate Period polities include the Wanka, the Chimu empire, the Huarco polity, the Chincha.
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ Middle Horizon ♥ "“Middle Horizon” is a period in Peruvian prehistory (Figure 37.1), but cultural dynamics embraced an area much larger than Peru [...]. The Middle Horizon was the time when leadership in complexity within the Central Andes shifted from northern Peru and the Pacific coast - especially the spectacular Moche culture [...] - to south central Peru, northwestern Bolivia and the Andean highlands [...]. A new religious art spread through the Andes, composed of three primary supernatural images."[22]
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ 720,000 ♥ km squared. The territories of Wari and Tiwanaku: "From new urban capitals in central highland Peru and Lake Titicaca Bolivia, the distinctive religious icons diagnostic of the Middle Horizon reached the northern Peruvian mountains and coast. In the south they dispersed through the highlands, reaching southern Bolivia and the eastern valleys that descend to tropical forests - among them, Cochabamba with its immense mounds and idyllic conditions for maize agriculture. Northern Chile, at least as far south as San Pedro de Atacama, participated in this great interaction sphere, as did northwestern Argentina’s La Aguada cultural style [...]." [23]
320,000 squared kilometers (extent of Wari polity) [24] + 400,000 squared kilometers (extent of Tiwanaku polity) [25] = 720,000 squared kilometers for the Middle Horizon.

♠ Capital ♣ Wari ♥

Language

♠ Language ♣ suspected unknown ♥

General Description

Following a period of regionalization known as the Early Intermediate Period, two polities came to dominate the Andes. Tiwanaku (Tihuanaco, Tihuanacu) extended from its core on the southern shore of Lake Titicaca to the highlands of western Bolivia, northern Chile and southern Peru.[26] Meanwhile, the Wari (Huari) polity may have controlled an area incorporating much of the Peruvian coast and highlands.[27]
These two spheres of influence appear to have been united by a religious belief focusing on the cult of a 'staff deity'.[28][29] This is manifest in the iconography of both polities, together forming the 'Middle Horizon', a period characterized by the substantial spread of uniform material culture across this large territory between the 7th and the 11th centuries CE.[30]
The exact nature of the Wari phenomenon is debated. While some scholars are of the view that it was a centralized empire, others think it was a smaller state based in Ayacucho with small enclaves of power dispersed across the Andes.[31] The empire hypothesis describes Wari as a 'mosaic of control':[32] regions with Wari architecture may have been under direct Wari domination while large cities that only exhibit Wari pottery and textiles may have been autonomous polities whose ruling class closely cooperated with the Ayacucho polity.
Pikillacta in the Cuzco Valley is one of the most prominent Wari-controlled sites outside of its core in Ayacucho.[33] This planned settlement spreading over 47 ha follows a strictly enforced grid pattern regardless of the topography.[34] The rectangular cells were interpreted variously as granaries, barracks or houses.[35] However, later excavations revealed that the city was composed of several interconnected sites performing different functions: there were administrative, ceremonial, residential, and defensive components.[36] This settlement appears to have been left unfinished and abandoned sometime before 1000 CE.[37] Beyond Pikillacta, the spread of Wari in the Cuzco Valley is limited, and local polities still controlled the western half of the valley.[38]
The capital of the Wari polity, also named 'Wari' or 'Huari', was more organically built: patios and galleries filled the empty spaces between compounds, and have been interpreted as elite residences and administrative buildings.[39] D-shaped ceremonial spaces were common in the capital but rare in the provinces,[40] and may have hosted rituals and sacrifices, as suggested by the trophy heads found at Conchopata.[41]

Population and political organization

Estimating the population under Wari control is problematic. The capital Huari, situated in the Ayacucho valley, stretched over 200-300 ha and may have housed between 30,000[42] and 70,000 people.[43] Beyond Ayacucho, Wari architectural compounds only cover an area of a few hundred hectares;[44] the total population under Wari control may have been limited to 100,000-500,000.[45]
Proponents of the empire hypothesis hold the view that Wari controlled a territory of 320,000 square kilometres, extending from the core near Ayacucho to its provinces in the north (Moche) and to the south near Cerro Baul (Moquegua).[46] Other interpretations are more cautious; as Wari remains have only been found in the Ayacucho valley and small pockets of control beyond the core, its total territory was in no way comparable to that of the later Inca Empire and may have covered 10,000-50,000 hectares at most.[47]
What is known from archaeological surveys, however, is that four or five tiers of settlement existed: the capital may have controlled colonies situated around the major administrative centres of Pikillacta, Viracochapampa and Conchopata (40-50 ha).[48] On the third tier, towns such as Huaro,[49] Batan Orqo, Cerro Baul,[50] Jincamocco or Wari Willka may have been secondary centres (c. 10 hectares). Finally, villages and hamlets would have produced resources for these larger cities.[51]
In terms of political organisation, the Wari king may have held influence over client rulers or Wari nobles: royal tombs with Wari paraphernalia have been found at Huarmey in coastal Peru.[52] The Wari may have also had a military hierarchy, as suggested by the ceramic depictions of warriors with distinctive face paint, arms, dress, and shield motifs.[53]
The Wari left their stamp on technology and infrastructure in the Andes. Some archaeologists see them as the predecessors of the Incas, laying the foundations for the Inca road system;[54] however, this hypothesis is disputed.[55]

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner; Agathe Dupeyron ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ [20,000-320,000] ♥ in squared kilometers.

Upper limit:"If we use the distribution of provincial centers to estimate the size of the empire, Wari's control of mountain territory reached 800 km (497 mi.) to the north of the capital, 525 km (326 mi.) to the south, and 275 km (171 mi.) to the east (to the region around Cuzco; it also stretched down to the central and south coast, 350 km (217 mi.) to the west and south-west. Thus the empire extended more than 1,300 km (807 mi.) along its north-south axis; its width varied from about 100 km (62 mi.) in the north, where it encompassed only the highlands, to some 400 km (248 mi.) in the south, where it spanned both highlands and coast. The total spatial extent of the empire could have been as much as 320,000 sq. km (124,000 sq. mi.)." [56]

Lower limit: (Alan Covey): "Clearly, the Wari capital region had some span of control, although it might not have been much more than a day's walk or so, given that a site like Azangaro is treated as a colony. If you said 50 km around the capital, you would have a heartland of around 8000 sq km. There are some corridors that seem to have strategic Wari installations, especially on the Ayacucho-Nasca route. Nevertheless, surveys that work more than about 5-10 km from known Wari installations typically find no Wari sites or material culture. Pikillacta and the Wari colonies around Huaro represent a cluster about 100 sq km in size, and Wari-style pottery is found at nearby sites in a region that might be as large as 500 or so sq km. If you calculated the sustaining area around the generous estimate of Wari sites that Jennings and Craig (2001) list, giving a generous 1000 sq km to the largest centers (Pikillacta and Viracochapampa) and 500 sq km all the others--even tiny and unverified sites--you would maybe get 20,000 sq km. of course, the "mosaic of control" model that is dominant for Wari studies would say that there are some areas with indirectly ruled subjects or client rulers (although the latter should be found only in coastal valleys that had centralized polities and existing political hierarchies). I think doubling that territorial estimate would be a really generous estimate, but I also think that the researchers who continue to ignore the accumulated settlement data from across the highlands would still insist on a much larger territory. For example, Bill Isbell has cited the presence of Wari-style buildings and tombs in Espiritu Pampa (150 km northwest of Cuzco) and the complex at Pikillacta (30 km southeast of Cuzco) as evidence that everything in between was directly governed by Wari--even though Brian Bauer (1992, 2004; Bauer et al. 2015), Veronique Belisle (2010, 2015), Steve Kosiba (2010), Ken Heffernan (1996), Ann Kendall (1994) and I (2006, 2014, Covey et al. 2008) have found patterns suggesting no Wari sites beyond a few hours' walk of Pikillacta." [57] " As a lower bound, I would probably be more generous than 10,000 sq km. I would probably say 20,000, which would put Wari closer in line with Susa, Early Uruk, and Monte Alban." [58]

♠ Polity Population ♣ [100,000-500,000] ♥

"On the other hand, the “administrative centres” whose meticulous geometric design gave rise to the formal definition of Wari urbanism— e.g. Pikillacta or Viracochapampa—were never finished. It has been proven that these were never populous cities." [59]

Alan Covey: "This is a difficult calculation, as there are not systematic settlement data for the entire central Andes that would allow for a valley-by-valley assessment of settlement levels. Even if there were, archaeologists would argue over population estimates and what the distribution of Wari-style material culture signifies in terms of state rule. Having said that, a very "back of the envelope" estimate might be to take the population estimate for the Wari capital and say that it might represent some percentage of the total population of the Ayacucho region--maybe that could be estimated based on the size of the capital and the rough estimate of settled area (with the capital assumed to be more densely settled than lower-order sites)? Beyond the Wari heartland, the nodes of direct Wari control represent a fairly modest area--a few hundred hectares at most, even if one buys the more generous estimates of Wari site counts (e.g., Jennings and Craig 2001) and of Cuzco Wari sites. I think that we did a maximal number of hectares at Wari peripheral sites in my co-authored 2013 paper (in a note), and that could be calculated using the same general assumptions for the heartland. My guess is that the number for those areas wouldn't go much over about 100,000 people. However, Wari specialists will rightly argue that there should be some populations that served Wari through indirect or hegemonic relationships (although outside of Huarmey, there is little evidence of possible client rulers), and that would mean adding some arbitrary estimate of "indirect" subjects. So, maybe Wari polity population could be pegged in the low hundred thousands. Inca estimates run from a low of 2 million to more widely accepted estimates of 6-10 million, although these are based on backward mathematical acrobatics from spotty early Colonial population records. Still, there were A LOT more Inca subjects than Wari ones." [60] "The area encompassed by colonies and state architectural compounds outside the Ayacucho region reaches only a few hundred hectares at most." And the corresponding note: "This figure is heavily weighted by large size estimates for Cusco Wari sites (47 ha for Pikillacta and 150 ha for Huaro [Glowacki and Zapata, 1998; McEwan, 2005]). It also includes the incomplete site of Viracochapampa (32 ha), disputed sites such as Achachiwa (35 ha—see Doutriaux, 2004), and unconfirmed sites identified using air photos, such as Pariamarca and Tocroc. See Jennings (2006a: 269-270) for discussion of assumed lower-order Wari sites." [61]

RA suggested a range of 100,000-500,000 taking into account most possibilities. Approved by Alan Covey: "If we think of a contemporaneous New World state like Teotihuacan, this falls in the range of the overall population estimates for the urban core and broader area of interest. There is tremendous uncertainty, but for me the important thing is the horizontal comparison (other first generation states) and vertical (Inca empire) comparison." [62]

♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ [30,000-70,000] ♥ {70,000; 40,000; [20,000-40,000]} ... cannot yet be machine read.

70,000

Wari capital max 70,000 people. [63]

40,000

Wari capital population conservatively estimated at 40,000. [64]

20,000-40,000

Wari capital perhaps 20,000-40,000 inhabitants.[65]

200-300 ha

Wari had 200 ha of compound architecture. The entire urban sprawl covered 300 ha. [66]

Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ 5 ♥ levels.

1. Capital

200-300 ha including outlying settlements. [67]
"Urban capital surrounded by densely populated hinterland." Capital - Heartland - Colonies. [68]
2. Major imperial administrative centre [69]
Pikillacta (47ha) [70]
Viracochapampa
Conchopata [71]
3. Minor imperial administrative centre
Honco Pampa
Huaro - 9ha [72]
Batan Orqo
Cerro Baul - c.10 ha [73]
Jincamocco - c. 15 ha [74]
Azangaro
Wari Willka [75]
4. Village
Cuzco basin largest settlements 3-4 ha [76]
5. Hamlet
These settlements would include sites of 1 ha and smaller, as seen in the Cuzco Valley. [77]

♠ Administrative levels ♣ [2-5] ♥ levels.

Alan Covey: "For Wari, it seems plausible from the archaeological evidence that there were royalty, and the royal tombs in Huarmey suggest client rulers or Wari nobles in at least one distant location (although probably not as many as in Inca times). There is no evidence of a decimal hierarchy for Wari (but the Inca one is not demonstrated archaeologically, either), but pretty good evidence of internal hierarchies in urban and provincial settings. Overall, the Incas had tons more of the units that were administered (a lot more population over a much greater area), but not necessarily a qualitative difference in the levels of hierarchy." [78] "A range of 2-5 administrative levels seems realistic based on mortuary differences. I still think the Inca hierarchy was modestly more complex and vastly more prevalent, but in terms of structure, I don’t think I would treat the levels of the Inca decimal hierarchy as distinct administrative levels, so it probably wasn’t qualitatively more hierarchical." [79]

♠ Religious levels ♣ ♥ levels.

♠ Military levels ♣ [3-4] ♥ levels. "Drawing on the distinctions between depicted warriors in face paint, arms, dress, and shield motifs, Ochatoma and Cabrera (1999:234-5; 2002:240-243) posit that Wari had professional warriors with a military hierarchy." [80] From this we can infer there were at least three or four levels:

1. Leader

2. Generals
3. Officers (possibly recruited from the elite [81])
4. Professional soldiers

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ inferred present ♥ "Drawing on the distinctions between depicted warriors in face paint, arms, dress, and shield motifs, Ochatoma and Cabrera (1999:234-5; 2002:240-243) posit that Wari had professional warriors with a military hierarchy." [82]

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ inferred present ♥ "Drawing on the distinctions between depicted warriors in face paint, arms, dress, and shield motifs, Ochatoma and Cabrera (1999:234-5; 2002:240-243) posit that Wari had professional warriors with a military hierarchy." [83]

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ inferred present ♥ "Finally, group participation in a chicha drinking ceremony and association of supernatural symbols with an individual suggests that the Wari developed the role of priest to manage the increasing social complexity of their expanding political system." [84]. Likely if there were temples. [85]

Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ ♥ The Wari had administrators [86] which suggests there may have been a bureaucratic class.

♠ Examination system ♣ ♥

♠ Merit promotion ♣ ♥

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ ♥ "Standardized state architecture."[87]

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ inferred absent ♥ There probably was no formal legal code as writing was not developed until the arrival of the Spanish. "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [88]

♠ Judges ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Courts ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ present ♥ Irrigation canals and agricultural terraces. [89] Wari were "the first to transform the highland Andean landscapes of the Pacific watersheds through terraced irrigation agriculture." [90] Wari constructed at least 7 irrigation canals in the Lucre Basin with total length of 48 km. The final 5 km of Canal A averaged 0.07 percent grade - "a true feat of engineering skill" since most ancient societies could manage only 0.5-1.5 percent grade. Also aqueducts at Cambayoq and Rumicolca. [91]
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ present ♥ Sub-subterranean canals under Pikillacta may be drainage or water supply. [92] Canals, aqueducts, reservoirs and field systems constructed to support work at Pikillacta. [93] In the capital Wari, a "system of canals and drains provided water to residents and allowed waste water to leave the city." Aqueducts were used to transport water for urban consumption. [94]
♠ markets ♣ inferred absent ♥ probably absent. No archaeological record for a market/ no reference to markets in the literature. According to Alan Covey: "No evidence of money. I don’t know how one would document “markets”—in the exchange sense or the spatial sense? There is not enough evidence to evaluate exchange systems in the Cuzco region before Inca times, and the study of Inca exchange is steeped in substantivist/Marxian ideology that downplays exchange." [95]
♠ food storage sites ♣ present ♥ However there was no large-scale storage at Pikillacta, which was a secondary administrative site.[96] A few provincial sites may have sectors designated for storage e.g. maize storage at Jincamocco. [97]

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ present ♥ [98][99] Imperial road system. [100] Many highways often "erroneously attributed to the Inca" [101] The Wari road network is known as the Warinan. [102]
♠ Bridges ♣ inferred present ♥ "In the case of the Wari Empire, a major administrative structure was needed, but there was no local political organization to use as a foundation for this structure. As a result, it had to build from the ground up: a large center, small satellite centers, terraces to increase agricultural production, new villages nearer the terraced zone, a road system, a bridge, etc." [103]. Example from the Carahuarazo valley.
♠ Canals ♣ ♥ Not for transport but "the scale of Wari water management - which involved constructing and maintaining canals capable of carrying 1,000 liters (265 gal.) per second - would not be surpassed in the Moquegua Valley until present-day national irrigation projects. Most modern canal systems transmit 75-150 liters (20 to 40 gal.) per second."[104]
♠ Ports ♣ inferred absent ♥

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ present ♥ "Wari may have controlled a number of major sources of important raw materials, including Quispisisa, the largest obsidian (volcanic glass) quarry in the Andes. Obsidian was one of the best materials available for making sharp knives and points for spears and arrows. In the Middle Horizon, the distribution of this distinctive type of obsidian was suddenly restricted to sites with Wari associations. The sources of other minerals, precious metals, and some imported shells may also have been under Wari’s exclusive control. For example, Wari sites contain bronze artifacts made of an alloy of copper and arsenic, derived from smelting an ore called enargite.30 There are a number of enargite sources in Wari territory, and Wari may have controlled one or more of them." [105]

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ ♥
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ {absent; present} ♥ According to Alan Covey: "We should not assume that Wari used khipus, as none have been found. The “Wari” khipus that Urton reports from the AMNH are from poorly known coastal provenances, and Wari never really ruled over the coast. The Middle Horizon dates suggest that someone on the coast was using a khipu-like device, but it is a stretch to say that this was an imperial accounting device invented or used by Wari, and there is no evidence for Wari khipus in excavations of well-preserved Wari sites that have yielded abundant textile remains." [106] The Wari "employed a system of recording and accounting based on the use of khipus (fiber recording devices).[107] A device of knotted strings. Archaeological evidence exists for these "in Middle Horizon contexts."[108][109] "An intriguing class of stone artifact also found at Hatun Cotuyoc is referred to as "counting stones" for lack of a better term [...] these stones may have been used for accounting purposes, particularly for keeping track of foodstuffs and goods produced in Hatun Cotuyoc." [110]
♠ Written records ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [111]
♠ Script ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [112]
♠ Non-phonetic writing ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [113]
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [114]

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [115]
♠ Calendar ♣ absent ♥ "The patterns of repetition on some Wari textiles imply the same solar/ lunar calendar of twelve months, centered on the December solstice." [116] but non-written.
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [117]
♠ Religious literature ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [118]
♠ Practical literature ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [119]
♠ History ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [120]
♠ Philosophy ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [121]
♠ Scientific literature ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [122]
♠ Fiction ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [123]


Money

♠ Articles ♣ present ♥ Coca: used as a medicine and in rituals, and also sometimes as a medium of exchange. [124]
"Wari ceramics spread to many different places in the Andes during the Middle Horizon. While we do not know to what degree this spread reflects migrations, trade relations, or military conquest that forced an era of unification, all three circumstances were certainly involved. " [125]
♠ Tokens ♣ inferred absent ♥ Spondylus shells were obtained from trade partners, but do not seem to have been used as currency within Wari society. "A similar technique was employed to obtain important ritual items, such as Spondylus shell and copper: ceramic vessels with key Wari imagery, namely supernatural creatures, seem to have been used to facilitate trade with north coast societies for Spondylus shell (see fig. 30)." [126]
♠ Precious metals ♣ absent ♥ The Wari used precious metals but as symbols of power or for a ritual use. They had no role as a medium of exchange.
♠ Foreign coins ♣ absent ♥ The Wari were an empire without money [127]
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ absent ♥ The Wari were an empire without money [128]
♠ Paper currency ♣ absent ♥ The Wari were an empire without money [129]

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣suspected unknown ♥ There are no written documents about the Wari, and it is unknown whether they had full-time messengers.
♠ Postal stations ♣suspected unknown ♥ No specific stations for messengers are recorded, although the Wari built structures along the roads that could remind of the Inca tambos. "Smaller special-purpose sites may be located to control the movement of people into and out of regions. Some are located along ancient roads and may have functioned in part as way stations, places to house travelers on official state business." [130]
♠ General postal service ♣suspected unknown ♥

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner; Agathe Dupeyron ♥

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ present ♥ "The excavations at Conchopata uncovered numerous items that were likely weapons used in warfare and other violent contexts. One of the most remarkable pieces is a solid copper-bronze mace from EA88 (figure 5.4), which was almost surely cast (Isbell, pers. comm. 2010)." [131]
♠ Bronze ♣ present ♥ "The excavations at Conchopata uncovered numerous items that were likely weapons used in warfare and other violent contexts. One of the most remarkable pieces is a solid copper-bronze mace from EA88 (figure 5.4), which was almost surely cast (Isbell, pers. comm. 2010)." [132]
♠ Iron ♣ absent ♥ There was no steel/iron before the arrival of the Spanish.
♠ Steel ♣ absent ♥ There was no steel/iron before the arrival of the Spanish.

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ present ♥ Thrown spears used with atlatls. If we use warrior figurines from Pikillacta as evidence, spear-throwers were depicted [133]
♠ Atlatl ♣ present ♥ If we use warrior figurines from Pikillacta as evidence, spear-throwers were depicted [134]
♠ Slings ♣ present ♥ Marjes Valley (at Beringa and La Real) finds include slings (hondas) [135]
♠ Self bow ♣ present ♥ Wari may have controlled the Quispisisa obsidian quarry. "Obsidian was one of the best materials available for making sharp knives and points for spears and arrows."[136] Representations of bows and arrows in the iconography on an urn found at Conchopata [137]
♠ Composite bow ♣ inferred absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Crossbow ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ absent ♥ There was no gunpowder before the arrival of the Spanish.
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ absent ♥ There was no gunpowder before the arrival of the Spanish.

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ present ♥ Marjes Valley (at Beringa and La Real) finds include wooden clubs with doughnut-shaped stones on the end (maces) [138]
♠ Battle axes ♣ present ♥ Bronze axes found in a tomb at El Castillo de Haurmey. "Intriguingly, one vessel from the mausoleum depicts coastal warriors battling axe-wielding Wari invaders." [139]
♠ Daggers ♣ present ♥ Obsidian Knives [140]
♠ Swords ♣ present ♥ Although wooden machetes were found. "Several objects recovered from Beringa were weapons, suggesting that inhabitants may have been involved in violent conflicts, some of which could have caused skeletal trauma. A couple of wood machetes, wood sticks/clubs, slings for throwing stones (hondas), and isolated sling stones were recovered from both disturbed and intact contexts." [141]
♠ Spears ♣ present ♥ Wari may have controlled the Quispisisa obsidian quarry. "Obsidian was one of the best materials available for making sharp knives and points for spears and arrows."[142]
♠ Polearms ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Dogs existed in Peru but no evidence to say whether they were used for warfare
♠ Donkeys ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Horses ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Camels ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Elephants ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Shields ♣ present ♥ If we use warrior figurines from Pikillacta as evidence: large rectangular shield (wooden?); spear-thrower; helmet (presumably bronze?). [143]
♠ Helmets ♣ present ♥ If we use warrior figurines from Pikillacta as evidence: large rectangular shield; spear-thrower; helmet (presumably bronze?). [144]
♠ Breastplates ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Limb protection ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Chainmail ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Scaled armor ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Laminar armor ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Plate armor ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ present ♥ "The notion that there were mobile Wari warriors is also supported by iconographic evidence depicting warriors carrying weapons while kneeling on reed boats... a mode of transport that was common on the north coast of Peru and the Lake Titicaca Basin in the south, and apparently uncommon in the Ayacucho Basin of the Wari empire." [145]
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ present ♥ "The Wari sites in Moquegua are located on the summit and slopes of Cerro Baúl and Cerro Mejía, which are adjacent mountains. The most sumptuous monumental architecture and highest status elite architecture were located on the peaks. Positioned to control the sacred pinnacles, these locales also provided a defensive location on the Wari-Tiwanaku frontier." [146]
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Ditch ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Moat ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ present ♥ Mortar used at Cerro Baul and Viracochapampa. [147] Mud mortar and fieldstone walls [148] was the classic Wari style.
♠ Fortified camps ♣ present ♥ Two heavily fortified hilltop complexes Cerro Echenique and Cerro Trapiche. [149]
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ absent ♥
♠ Long walls ♣ 0 ♥ km. 2 Boundary wall at Viracochapampa 2.312 km. Other walls have a combined length of 13,890 meters [150] But there are no fortifications used to protect a large territory.
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥

Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ ♥

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ ♥
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ ♥
♠ Impeachment ♣ ♥

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ inferred present ♥ Rulers probably considered royal. Alan Covey: "For Wari, it seems plausible from the archaeological evidence that there were royalty, and the royal tombs in Huarmey suggest client rulers or Wari nobles in at least one distant location (although probably not as many as in Inca times). There is no evidence of a decimal hierarchy for Wari (but the Inca one is not demonstrated archaeologically, either), but pretty good evidence of internal hierarchies in urban and provincial settings. Overall, the Incas had tons more of the units that were administered (a lot more population over a much greater area), but not necessarily a qualitative difference in the levels of hierarchy." "A range of 2-5 administrative levels seems realistic based on mortuary differences. I still think the Inca hierarchy was modestly more complex and vastly more prevalent, but in terms of structure, I don’t think I would treat the levels of the Inca decimal hierarchy as distinct administrative levels, so it probably wasn’t qualitatively more hierarchical."[151]

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni ♥

Deification of Rulers

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Ideology reinforces prosociality ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ production of public goods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ inferred absent ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [152] [153] [154]

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