PeCuzL2

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Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner; Agathe Dupeyron ♥

♠ Original name ♣ Cuzco - Late Intermediate II ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ Killke Period; The Quechuas; the Inkas ♥ The Quechuas. [1]

♠ Peak Date ♣ 1400 CE ♥


Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 1250-1400 CE ♥

Inca expansion into the Sacred Valley occurred during a time of drought dated 1250-1310 CE. [2] Administrative and temple buildings at Qhapaqkancha, Markasunay and Pukara Pantillijlla probably developed during the Inca expansion into the Sacred Valley (1250-1310 CE). [3]

"A few centuries later, circa AD 1300, a second building phase was initiated at Choquepukio, resulting in the construction of additional niched halls." [4]

"Carbon dates suggest that the transition from the pre-Inca to Inca eras at Chokepuquio seems to have occurred 1400 - 30, which is in keeping with the idea of a late incorporation of the Lucre region." [5] "A particularly intriguing set of dates was taken recently from deposits at the site of Chokepuquio (McEwan and Gibaja O. n.d.). At this site, which was home to a major Inca foe in the Lucre basin late in the era of Inca state formation, a major burning event separated the pre-Inca from the imperial era. The reported suite of dates puts that event between 1400 and 1430 (with a 95 percent degree of confidence). If we accept the proposition that the conflagration occurred after the town fell to Inca forces, then we can infer that the Incas took control sometime early in the fifteenth century, not close to mid-century as the historical readings put it. " [6]

"Site surveys in the region lead Brian Bauer to conclude that the spread of Killke reflects early, gradual expansion of Inca hegemony that was nondisruptive. Thus, Killke Cuzco was apparently a young señorio, likely confederated with Chokepukio by about AD 1200." [7]

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ quasi-polity ♥

Chroniclers say earliest rulers had a small territory and lacked control over neighbouring groups. Mayta Capac* consolidated Inca control over the Cusco Basin. Military hierarchy increased from these times. [8] *(c1290 CE)

Incas employed both an indirect form of rule through local elites and a direct rule within provinces organized under a state administrator.[9]

"Control was not territorially continuous, nor was it stable until the imperial period."[10]

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ alliance ♥

Some alliances maintained by the Killke.[11]

"The developing Inca polity is likely to have had direct control over, or close alliances with, some groups outside the Cuzco Valley even before it was completely consolidated." [12]

"alliance and hegemonic control were extended beyond the heartland region prior to the full implementation of direct control." [13] Alliances with following groups (often preceded by warfare and ended with a marriage exchange): [14]

Anta (west)
Ayarmaca (north west)
Huayllacan (north)

The Lucre polity also had alliances:

"The Pinagua-Moyna polity seems to have been the most powerful in the region before the reign of Inca Viracocha. These two groups jointly occupied the Lucre Basin and were likely the two moieties of a combined political unit. [...] Together with the Pinagua-Moyna alliance, the important settlements of Andahuaylillas, Huaro, and Urcos probably formed a powerful confederate mini-state, which was long able to prevent the Inca extension toward the east and Collao (Titicaca) region. It is noteworthy that these sites all contain the archaeological remains of major Wari occupations. This mini-state is very likely a fragment of the old Wari imperial structure." [15]

Possible alliance with other polities based at Tipón, Minaspata and Cotocotuyoc. [16]

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ PeCuzL1 ♥
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ continuity ♥ "If we turn to the Cuzco region itself, the written and archaeological sources paint a fairly coherent picture of long-term development for the pre-imperial Incas, despite some important divergences. Both sources are compatible with the idea that, sometime after ad 1000, the Incas experienced 300 - 400 years of slow development from an incipiently hierarchical society into a nascent state." [17]
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ PeInca* ♥
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ Lake Titicaca cultural sphere ♥ At least for the Lucre Basin polity. "Up to this point, the predominant postcollapse cultural influence had been derived from the Wari. The second building phase seems to represent the arrival of an elite group from the old Tiwanaku sphere of influence." [18] The Killke polity could also be linked to Lake Titicaca, since they appear to have been linguistically and genetically related. [19]
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ ♥ km squared. The extent of Tiwanaku influence in the Middle Horizon was 40,000 km squared [20], so the later cultural influence of the Titicaca Basin could have been on a similar range or smaller.

♠ Capital ♣ Cuzco; Choquepukio ♥ 1000-1300 CE Cuzco became capital. This has been confirmed by archaeological digs under Cuzco. [21] Choquepukio "was probably the principal town of the Pinahua, referred to as 'Pinagua-Chuquimatero' in the later documents."[22]

Language

♠ Language ♣ [Aymara; Puquina] ♥ "Linguists have recently arrived at the view that the Incas may have adopted Quechua for imperial rule precisely because it was already widespread. Before then, the Incas spoke one or two other languages, most likely Aymara and possibly Puquina." [23] This refers to the pre-imperial Inca or Killke. The language used in other polities, such as the Pinagua of the Lucre Basin, seems to be undocumented.

General Description

After the collapse of the Wari empire, the Cuzco valley once more underwent a phase of regionalization, known as the Late Intermediate Period (1000‒1476 CE).[24] In other valleys of Peru, this period saw the emergence of complex kingdoms such as the Chimu, the Chincha, the Ischma and the Chanchay.
In the Cuzco Valley, this period lasted from the early 11th century to the early 15th century and was characterized by incipient state formation in two areas. To the west, the Killke or K'illke may have been the successors to the local Qotakalli chiefdoms of the Early Intermediate period and Middle Horizon.[25][26] Centred around the location of modern Cuzco, where Killke material has been excavated,[27] their sphere of influence extended south of Cuzco for around 20 kilometres.[28] Smaller undefended polities to the west of modern Cuzco may have been under Killke domination, while it is likely that the developing political units to the north were independent.[29]
In the Lucre Basin to the east, another powerful cluster emerged, referred to as 'Pinagua' or 'Pinagua-Moyna' by ethnohistorians. These polities developed around the sites of Choquepukio, Cotocotuyoc and Minaspata.[30] They may have upheld the cultural legacy of Wari colonizers from the Middle Horizon,[31][32] as their ceramics and architecture show profound Wari influence.[33] Choquepukio in particular exhibits significant continuity with the Wari through its monumental architecture.[34] Even further to the east, another small state may have existed around the settlements of Andahuaylillas, Huaro and Urcos. It has been suggested that the Pinagua cluster and these polities together prevented the eastern expansion of the Killke until the late 14th century.[35] Between these two extremities of the Cuzco Valley, the Oropesa Basin acted as a buffer zone.[36][37]
The Killke, centred in the Cuzco region, appear to have been the most influential and expansionary of these cultures during the Late Intermediate Period: their ceramics were widely used, in contrast to the limited spread of Lucre Basin styles.[38]

Population and political organization

The Cuzco Basin and the Sacred Valley experienced significant population growth after 1000 CE,[39] although population estimates are extremely difficult to produce.[40] The Lucre Basin cluster comprised at least 4 settlements extending over 10 hectares (e.g. Minaspata and Coto-coto), and Choquepukio covered 60 ha. These settlements may have housed several thousand people each.[41] The capital of the Killke polity, now buried beneath modern Cuzco, may have covered 50 ha.[42]
The second half of the Late Intermediate Period proved to be a gradual phase of consolidation for what would become the Inca Empire.[43] Indeed, the Killke followed a pattern of 'leapfrogging', conquering new territories on an ad hoc basis.[44] Administrative and temple buildings at Qhapaqkancha, Markasunay and Pukara Pantillijlla probably developed during the Inca expansion into the Sacred Valley (1250‒1310 CE).[45] One suggested cause of this expansionary strategy is a period of drought between 1250 and 1310.[46]
Meanwhile, there was another phase of construction at the site of Choquepukio around 1300 CE, which may have corresponded to the arrival of a new elite group from the Titicaca cultural sphere.[47] Our evidence for this incursion comes from DNA analysis as well as from the presence of chullpas (burial towers) and ceramic styles characteristic of the Altiplano.[48] The construction of grand niched halls and the presence of luxury items made of ceramic, metal, precious stones, and bone may indicate elite-sponsored feasting.[49][50] The paramount leader of Choquepukio may have held these feasts in order to establish his power in relation to other local elites.[51] Early Inca chronicles document these Pinagua leaders or capacs as a rival force, blocking their expansion into the Lucre Basin.[52]
Archaeological evidence of a major burning event between 1400 and 1430 CE indicates that the Choquepukio state finally succumbed to Killke expansion.[53] Choquepukio's arts and monumental architecture profoundly influenced the material culture of the Inca Empire:[54] for example, Inca ceramics blended Lucre ceramic technology with Killke motifs.[55] With the demise of the Choquepukio polity and the expansion of Killke dominance across the valley, the conditions were in place for the rise of the Inca Empire during the 15th century, creatively building upon the legacy of its predecessors.

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner; Agathe Dupeyron ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ [2300-2800] ♥ in squared kilometers.


Huaro also exhibits Lucre pottery after the Wari collapse [56], may be in Choquepukio sphere of control? "The primary distribution of this style essentially encompasses the eastern end of the valley of Cuzco where Choquepukio and Pikillacta are located, extending to the southeast to include the modern towns of Andahuayllas, Huaro, and Urcos." [57] "Before their removal by Huascar, the Pinahua controlled the area on the northern side of the Huatanay River east of the Angostura to its confluence with the Vilcanota River. There is no doubt that the Pinahua once occupied the large site of Choquepukio, since it is specifically and repeatedly mentioned as one of their former towns in the earlier documents of the suit." [58]

Using Google maps area calculator, and mapping the location of Tipón (known fortress against the Killke), Urcos (furthest point where Lucre ceramic appears), and Choquepukio itself, a conservative estimate would be 70 squared kilometers. However there is no reference to the polity territory in the literature and a settlement survey is lacking to ascertain the extent of the Lucre polity.

♠ Polity Population ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Cuzco: 15,000?

Cuzco valley: 10,000-20,000. According to a Spanish source in mid 16th century, valley held over 20,000 [59]

"There were many other settlements in the Lucre area; some of them, such as Minaspata and Coto-coto, were almost as large as Choquepukio (Dwyer 1971: 41; Glowacki 2002: 271). Since those towns likely housed several thousand people each, the populace collectively posed an ongoing challenge to Inca hegemony. Sarmiento’s (2007: 87, 96, 99) informants said that four successive Inca rulers - from Inka Roca to Pachakuti - all took up arms against them, but only the last was able to finally subjugate and then disperse them. Because of the extended animosities, it is no surprise that the Oropesa area that lay between them was an unoccupied buffer zone for much of the early era (Bauer and Covey 2004: 84-7)." [60]

The possibly allied site of Cotocotuyoc was 45 ha. [61]

If the three main towns had several thousand inhabitants each, we can infer that the Lucre confederation had at least 10,000 inhabitants.


♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Cuzco. Cuzco at peak 20,000. [62] Cuzco settlement over 50 ha.

Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ 4 ♥ levels.

Four-tiered settlement hierarchy (1000-1400 CE) [63]

4. Cuzco (capital) - 50 ha

3. Administrative centre - c1300 CE onwards. Example: Pukara Pantillijlla, which was over 10ha [64]
2. Large villages - 7 ha
1. Small villages and hamlets - under 4 ha. [65]


1250-1350 CE: largest town to the north was the 10 ha Pukara Pantillijlla. [66]

♠ Administrative levels ♣ 4 ♥ levels.

4. Paramount qhapaq/capac [67]

3.Central administration
After the 3rd Inca new elite terms known [68]
2.State administrator
"state appointed administrators governed through local elites" [69]
1.Local elite
e.g. paramount chief of ayllus (kinship unit)


"Conquered groups came to be governed by state administrators who often retained local elites to enact state policies locally." [70]


♠ Religious levels ♣ 2 ♥ levels.

Elite ancestor cult. Worship of Sun as state religion. akllawasi+ from Inca Roq'a* [71] +(House of the Cloistered Women) *c1350 CE

Religious hierarchy [72]

1. Priests at principal temple (Coricancha)
2. Local level state priests

The title intip churin (Son of the Sun) was added to paramount qhapaq/capac title during the imperial period. [73]

Each ayllu attended to their own mortuary shrines. [74]

Cieza de León (1985, p. 117 [c. 1550] Chapter 34) notes that Qhapaq Yupanki began to take women from conquered territories to serve a new state religion involving veneration of the Sun, and Sarmiento de Gamboa (1965, p. 223 [1572 Chapter 18]) mentions that he also delegated religious authority by naming an older brother, Kunti Mayta, as high priest of the cult. [75] : delegation of religious authority to the Inca's relatives, and establishment of religious orders.


♠ Military levels ♣ 4 ♥ levels.

1. The Inca
2. The Inca's relatives
3. Military captains
4. Individual soldiers.

Military hierarchy began to increase from these times. [76] "Cabello Valboa (1951, p. 290 [1586 Book 3, Chapter 13]) says that Qhapaq Yupanki was able to send his sons to conquer neighboring areas, while Inka Roq'a had at his disposal not only his sons, but military captains and a large number of soldiers." [77] "In other words, the delegation of military authority extended to more distant relatives as the Inka state formed and began to engage in more distant and sustained campaigns." [78]

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ inferred present ♥ "Cabello Valboa (1951, p. 290 [1586 Book 3, Chapter 13]) says that Qhapaq Yupanki was able to send his sons to conquer neighboring areas, while Inka Roq'a had at his disposal not only his sons, but military captains and a large number of soldiers." [79]

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ absent: 1250-1350 CE; present: 1350-1400 CE ♥ According to chronicles/Inca stories Inca Roq'a used mercenaries from Canas and Canche. [80]

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ ♥ Presence of aqllakuna, cloistered women devoted to religion: "Cieza de León (1985, p. 117 [c. 1550] Chapter 34) notes that Qhapaq Yupanki began to take women from conquered territories to serve a new state religion involving veneration of the Sun, and Sarmiento de Gamboa (1965, p. 223 [1572 Chapter 18]) mentions that he also delegated religious authority by naming an older brother, Kunti Mayta, as high priest of the cult." [81]. However, it is not known whether priesthood was a specialized, full-time occupation.


Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ inferred present ♥ "From the generation of the fifth Inka ruler until the period of imperial expansion, new elite terms appear in the chronicles of Sarmiento de Gamboa (1965 [1572 Chapters 17-29]) and Cabello Valboa (1951 [1586 Book 3, Chapters 13-14]). These include apu, thupa, and ylla. These titles appear to include bureaucratic or judicial appointments, lordship over conquered territory, and economic elite status, respectively." [82]

♠ Examination system ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Merit promotion ♣ absent ♥ Relatives appointed to religious, administrative and military posts. [83]

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ present ♥ "Qhapaqkancha has an architectural compound indicative of public or administrative functions (Fig. 10). This compound is an intrusive construction within a large Killke Period village, and comprises three rectangular structures attached to a 2700 m2 platform. The two flanking structures face the village, while the central one opens onto the platform. Based on architectural style and surface ceramics collected by the SVAP, this platform was probably built between A.D. 1200 and 1400, and it represents an open space that would have been used for public events that could have involved an entire subject polity (for the proxemics of Andean plazas, see Moore, 1996)." [84]

Location of administrative and temple buildings [85][86]

Qhapaqkancha
Markasunay
Pukara Pantillijlla
Kaytamarka
Warq'ara
Ankasmarka

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ inferred present ♥ "Garcilaso de la Vega (1965 [1609] Book 4, Chapter 19) cites the lost chronicle of Blas Valera, which credits the sixth Inka with the development of a system of laws and punishments." [87] There were legal codes covering the social and administrative [88] but there was no writing system. "For instance, they do not seem to have created a formal system of laws or a separate judiciary." [89]

♠ Judges ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Courts ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ present ♥ Huatranay River was "probably" canalised. Inca Roq'a* used labour tribute to build agricultural terraces and irrigation canals in the Cuzco Basin. He also did this at Larapa, which became his personal estate. [90] *(c1350 CE).
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ ♥ Choquepukio had fountains [91] , but McEwan does not state that they were used for drinking. Their use could have been mainly ceremonial.
♠ markets ♣ inferred present ♥ “We have no accounts of large marketplaces, few descriptions of independent traders except on the margins of the empire […] yet in spite of this, evidence for small marketplaces exists in the pre-Hispanic Central Andes. Local fairs flourished, and there was a brisk trade in many goods, both basic commodities and products of highly specialized labor.” [92] “The historical data are quite clear that there were few price-making markets, but substantial barter markets, in the Andes.” [93] “We contend that barter fairs were the means by which most commodities were traded in the Andes prior to and even during the Inca Empire. There was without doubt a state imperial economy that produced and moved large quantities of goods outside of any barter or other kind of market. But at the daily, domestic level, people most likely produced and traded goods, at least locally, if not regionally, outside of the state economy.” [94] This is likely to be valid for the period preceding imperial expansion.
♠ food storage sites ♣ present ♥

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ present ♥ Documented by Brian Bauer in the period described as the "Development of the Inca State" between 1000 and 1400 CE. [95]
♠ Bridges ♣ ♥
♠ Canals ♣ inferred present ♥ Huatanay River was "probably" canalised. [96]
♠ Ports ♣ inferred absent ♥

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ inferred present ♥ According to Alan Covey: "See Dennis Ogburn and Ian Farrington’s work. There are local diorite and limestone quarries near Cuzco, as well as the Huaccoto andesite quarry. Keep in mind that we still don’t know a lot about pre-imperial architecture in Cuzco." [97]

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ ♥
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ suspected unknown ♥ "The khipu is most often associated with Inca accounting, but it was borrowed from Andean traditions that were developed at least a thousand years before the Incas. Some scholars think that the earliest systematic use of the khipu as a recording tool occurred in Wari or other expansionist states. It may owe its genesis to institutional demands, such as keeping track of supplies (Quilter and Urton 2002; Brokaw 2010). If they are right, then the Incas elaborated a package of administrative techniques developed by their imperial predecessors. It is certainly the case that the tool was well established across the Andes before the Inca empire came along, as different societies reportedly used a variety of knot-tying conventions. The chronicler Murua wrote that, “each province, as it had its own language, also had a different form and logic [razón] of quipo” (translation from Platt 2002: 229). In short, the Incas’ challenge most likely lay in systematizing recording for state institutions and in bringing many thousands of knot-masters up to speed in the preferred format, not in developing a specific inscription technique for state interests from scratch." [98] However, Alan Covey, commenting on the lack of evidence for quipus among the Wari, told us that 'I would also not infer their [quipus'] use in the LIP (AD 1000-1400)'.[99] He seems to mean that we shouldn't automatically assume the Inca were using quipus before the period of imperial expansion began in earnest.
♠ Script ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [100]
♠ Written records ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [101]
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [102]

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [103]
♠ Calendar ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [104]
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [105]
♠ Religious literature ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [106]
♠ Practical literature ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [107]
♠ History ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [108]
♠ Philosophy ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [109]
♠ Scientific literature ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [110]
♠ Fiction ♣ absent ♥ "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [111]


Money

♠ Articles ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Marriage gifts included fine textiles and other valuable items,[112] which may have included exotic bird feathers and precious metals.
♠ Tokens ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Precious metals ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Marriage gifts included fine textiles and other valuable items,[113] which may have included exotic bird feathers and precious metals.
♠ Foreign coins ♣ absent ♥ According to Alan Covey: "No evidence of money. I don’t know how one would document “markets”—in the exchange sense or the spatial sense? There is not enough evidence to evaluate exchange systems in the Cuzco region before Inca times, and the study of Inca exchange is steeped in substantivist/Marxian ideology that downplays exchange." [114]
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ absent ♥ According to Alan Covey: "No evidence of money. I don’t know how one would document “markets”—in the exchange sense or the spatial sense? There is not enough evidence to evaluate exchange systems in the Cuzco region before Inca times, and the study of Inca exchange is steeped in substantivist/Marxian ideology that downplays exchange." [115]
♠ Paper currency ♣ absent ♥ According to Alan Covey: "No evidence of money. I don’t know how one would document “markets”—in the exchange sense or the spatial sense? There is not enough evidence to evaluate exchange systems in the Cuzco region before Inca times, and the study of Inca exchange is steeped in substantivist/Marxian ideology that downplays exchange." [116]

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Postal stations ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ General postal service ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner; Agathe Dupeyron ♥

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ suspected unknown ♥ "Copper-tin bronze alloys were developed by metalworkers in the cassiterite-rich southern Andean highlands of Bolivia, Peru, and northwest Argentina. Both bronze alloys were in use by about 850 A.D."[117]
♠ Bronze ♣ suspected unknown ♥ "Copper-tin bronze alloys were developed by metalworkers in the cassiterite-rich southern Andean highlands of Bolivia, Peru, and northwest Argentina. Both bronze alloys were in use by about 850 A.D."[118]
♠ Iron ♣ absent ♥ There was no steel/iron before the arrival of the Spanish.
♠ Steel ♣ absent ♥ There was no steel/iron before the arrival of the Spanish.

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Atlatl ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Slings ♣ present ♥ "A midden at Pukara Pantillijlla dated to the thirteenth century contained sling balls and two stone axes." [119]
♠ Self bow ♣ inferred present ♥ No archaeological reference, but this can be inferred from the ubiquitous presence of bows and arrows in Wari and Inca times, and the presence of conflicts in the Late Intermediate Period.
♠ Composite bow ♣ inferred absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Crossbow ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ absent ♥ There was no gunpowder before the arrival of the Spanish.
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ absent ♥ There was no gunpowder before the arrival of the Spanish.

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Battle axes ♣ present ♥ [120]
♠ Daggers ♣ present ♥ knives [121]
♠ Swords ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Spears ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Polearms ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Dogs existed in Peru but no evidence to say whether they were used for warfare
♠ Donkeys ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Horses ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Camels ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Elephants ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Shields ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Helmets ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Breastplates ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Limb protection ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Chainmail ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Scaled armor ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Laminar armor ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Plate armor ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ present ♥ "Within the immediate Cuzco Valley, Dwyer (1971: 24-40, 145-6) reports that most Late Intermediate Period sites (which include settlements measuring between about 12 and 60 hectares) are not found in defensive settings, but tend to occur rather closely spaced atop low ridges or on intermediate slopes at no great distacne above the valley floor." [122] Tipón is a site located in a defensive position, controlled by the Lucre Basin Polity. "Another impressive early estate was constructed at Tipón. In the Killke era, prior to the rise of the imperial Incas, the site was a fortified settlement high above the abandoned valley floor between the Cuzco and Lucre basins (Bauer and Covey 2004: 86-7). One of the very few defensively constructed late prehistoric sites in the area, it was reportedly captured by Wiraqocha Inka, who subsequently converted it into a personal holding." [123]
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Ditch ♣ present ♥ "The chronicles mention repeated Inca incursions against their neighbours to the north, and many sites are found in areas with natural (cliffs) and artificial defenses (walls or ditches)." [124]
♠ Moat ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ present ♥ "Sites with defensive walls include Pungurhuaylla, Raqchi, Warq'ana, Pumamarka, Huata, Muyuch'urqu, and Tipón" [125]
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ present ♥ Killke Period wall, mud motar at Tipon. Only fortified settlement in the Cuzco Valley (except Sacsayhuaman). However, it belonged to the Lucre Basin polity.[126]
♠ Fortified camps ♣ present ♥ "As the Inca state annexed new territory outside the Cusco Basin, it appears to have developed a number of forts and fortifications". There was an early Inca fort at Raqchi (village since 1000 CE): walls protected interior architecture and a dry moat, which augmented natural fortifications, surrounded the village. Other early Inca forts at Warq'ana (walls and ditch) and Pumamarca. [127] Wat'a (Huata) had surrounding walls. [128]
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ [absent; present] ♥ North west of Cuzco in the area of Quilliscachi there are fortified Killke era sites. Largest is Huata where there are three concentric fortification walls. Area probably not unified during the Killke Period.[129]
♠ Long walls ♣ 0 ♥ km.
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.

Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ ♥

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ ♥
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ ♥
♠ Impeachment ♣ ♥

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ inferred present ♥ Paramount qhapaq/capac [130]

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni ♥

Deification of Rulers

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ inferred present ♥ "Claims to leadership, though based on genealogy and ability, also gained legitimacy from religious sanction in the royal narratives. Most early kings were imbued with magical qualities granted by the Sun or Creator God. Their deed exhibited precocious military valor or supernatural assistance, combined with visions of the future. Mayta Qhapaq's life, for instance, was so filled with wondrous feats that the Spaniards used Hercules and Merlin as reference points for their European audiences. He was reputed to have been born with his teeth intact after only a three-month pregnancy, could walk at birth, and had reached the stature of an eight-year-old at just one year (Sarmiento 1960:221). When an Inca ruler took the throne, he also assumed a new, sometimes, supernaturally inspired, name. As noted above, Titu Kusi Wallpa received the name 'He Who Sheds Bloody Tears' (Yawar Waqaq) for weeping blood, an act that was famously repeated by the 'Tired Stone' above Cuzco (chapter 7). We cannot fix when particular narratives became royal doctrine, but the invention of elite dogma was an ongoing process that most likely had some roots in the Killke era." [131]

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ inferred present ♥ "Claims to leadership, though based on genealogy and ability, also gained legitimacy from religious sanction in the royal narratives. Most early kings were imbued with magical qualities granted by the Sun or Creator God. Their deed exhibited precocious military valor or supernatural assistance, combined with visions of the future. Mayta Qhapaq's life, for instance, was so filled with wondrous feats that the Spaniards used Hercules and Merlin as reference points for their European audiences. He was reputed to have been born with his teeth intact after only a three-month pregnancy, could walk at birth, and had reached the stature of an eight-year-old at just one year (Sarmiento 1960:221). When an Inca ruler took the throne, he also assumed a new, sometimes, supernaturally inspired, name. As noted above, Titu Kusi Wallpa received the name 'He Who Sheds Bloody Tears' (Yawar Waqaq) for weeping blood, an act that was famously repeated by the 'Tired Stone' above Cuzco (chapter 7). We cannot fix when particular narratives became royal doctrine, but the invention of elite dogma was an ongoing process that most likely had some roots in the Killke era." [132]

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ inferred absent ♥ "Claims to leadership, though based on genealogy and ability, also gained legitimacy from religious sanction in the royal narratives. Most early kings were imbued with magical qualities granted by the Sun or Creator God. Their deed exhibited precocious military valor or supernatural assistance, combined with visions of the future. Mayta Qhapaq's life, for instance, was so filled with wondrous feats that the Spaniards used Hercules and Merlin as reference points for their European audiences. He was reputed to have been born with his teeth intact after only a three-month pregnancy, could walk at birth, and had reached the stature of an eight-year-old at just one year (Sarmiento 1960:221). When an Inca ruler took the throne, he also assumed a new, sometimes, supernaturally inspired, name. As noted above, Titu Kusi Wallpa received the name 'He Who Sheds Bloody Tears' (Yawar Waqaq) for weeping blood, an act that was famously repeated by the 'Tired Stone' above Cuzco (chapter 7). We cannot fix when particular narratives became royal doctrine, but the invention of elite dogma was an ongoing process that most likely had some roots in the Killke era." [133]

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥ "Claims to leadership, though based on genealogy and ability, also gained legitimacy from religious sanction in the royal narratives. Most early kings were imbued with magical qualities granted by the Sun or Creator God. Their deed exhibited precocious military valor or supernatural assistance, combined with visions of the future. Mayta Qhapaq's life, for instance, was so filled with wondrous feats that the Spaniards used Hercules and Merlin as reference points for their European audiences. He was reputed to have been born with his teeth intact after only a three-month pregnancy, could walk at birth, and had reached the stature of an eight-year-old at just one year (Sarmiento 1960:221). When an Inca ruler took the throne, he also assumed a new, sometimes, supernaturally inspired, name. As noted above, Titu Kusi Wallpa received the name 'He Who Sheds Bloody Tears' (Yawar Waqaq) for weeping blood, an act that was famously repeated by the 'Tired Stone' above Cuzco (chapter 7). We cannot fix when particular narratives became royal doctrine, but the invention of elite dogma was an ongoing process that most likely had some roots in the Killke era." [134]
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ suspected unknown ♥ absent/present/unknown

♠ Ideology reinforces prosociality ♣ suspected unknown ♥ absent/present/unknown. Religious doctrine, philosophical statements, or practice makes claims about engaging in activity for the benefit of a wider community, for instance Christian traditions of alms-giving or Islamic sadaqah

♠ production of public goods ♣ inferred present ♥ "Inca myths touted their ancestors' largess, because it helped to legitimize their elevated status. Speaking more generally, a chief's position often partly depends on his ability to control labor and its products, without owning the natural resources themselves. Since gift-giving advertises a chief's productive capacity, it can attract new adherents and create public obligations. Among the Incas, ritualized generosity may have helped to mediate political alliances and residential shifts among the Incas and their neighbors. Some authors also think that the manipulation of exchange obligations helped to underwrite the local rise of Inca power because their largess placed the recipients of gifts in an inferior social position (Rostworowski 1999:38-47)." [135]

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ inferred absent ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [136] [137] [138]

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