PeCuzL1

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Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner; Agathe Dupeyron ♥

♠ Original name ♣ Cuzco - Late Intermediate I ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ Killke Period; Inca; Inka; Pinagua; Pinahua; Pinagua-Muyna ♥

♠ Peak Date ♣ 1250 CE ♥


Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 1000-1250 CE ♥

Killke state formation begun around 1000 CE. 1000-1200 period had small, competing polities. [1]

"After AD 1000, the population of the Cusco Basin and Sacred Valley grew substantially, and the site of Cusco itself increased in size and population density." [2]

The 1000-1250 CE period is before the Inca expansion into the Sacred Valley, which occurred during a time of drought dated 1250-1310 CE. [3] Administrative and temple buildings at Qhapaqkancha, Markasunay and Pukara Pantillijlla probably developed during the Inca expansion into the Sacred Valley (1250-1310 CE). [4]

Another polity present in the Cuzco Valley during the Late Intermediate Period was the Pinagua polity based at Choquepukio in the Lucre Basin: "A few centuries later, circa AD 1300, a second building phase was initiated at Choquepukio, resulting in the construction of additional niched halls." [5]

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ quasi-polity ♥

Two main polities are known for this period; the Killke (Inca) and Pinagua of the Lucre Basin.

For the Incas, chroniclers say earliest rulers had a small territory and lacked control over neighbouring groups. Mayta Capac* consolidated Inca control over the Cusco Basin. Military hierarchy increased from these times. [6] *(c1290 CE)

Cuzco/Killke polity in the 1000-1200 CE period [7]

influenced the Masca and Tambo regions
had sustained interaction with the Chillque
Paruro were possibly under Cusco domination [8]

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ alliance ♥

"The developing Inca polity is likely to have had direct control over, or close alliances with, some groups outside the Cuzco Valley even before it was completely consolidated." [9] "Inca alliances with a limited number of neighboring groups depended on the personal interactions of elite individuals who acted on behalf of small groups like the people of Huaro, as well as larger ethnic confederations like the Ayarmacas."[10]

"The Pinagua-Moyna polity seems to have been the most powerful in the region before the reign of Inca Viracocha. These two groups jointly occupied the Lucre Basin and were likely the two moieties of a combined political unit. [...] Together with the Pinagua-Moyna alliance, the important settlements of Andahuaylillas, Huaro, and Urcos probably formed a powerful confederate mini-state, which was long able to prevent the Inca extension toward the east and Collao (Titicaca) region. It is noteworthy that these sites all contain the archaeological remains of major Wari occupations. This mini-state is very likely a fragment of the old Wari imperial structure." [11]

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ PeWari* ♥ "their ascendancy began sometime after AD 1000, when they were just one of many highland societies jockeying for position following the decline of Wari and Tiwanaku." [12]
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ [population migration; continuity] ♥ Linguistic and biological evidence suggests that Incas spoke Puquina and Aymara, and were genetically related to the altiplano populations. [13]". Intriguingly, the Inca-era populace of the Cuzco area differs from earlier residents of the same zone; the latter group is biologically more closely affiliated with the Wari region. That evidence supports the idea that the Incas were latecomers to the Cuzco area, after ad 1000. Even so, they also found that some human remains recovered from Saqsawaman (just above Cuzco) had closer links to more northerly and coastal populations. They deduce from this evidence that there may have been some genetic mixing as a consequence of imperial programs (Shinoda in press). The complexity of this patterning emphasizes the difficulties of sorting out Inca history, whether political or biological. Overall, however, the suggestion that the Incas had a strong pre-imperial link to the Lake Titicaca area is far better supported now than it was a short time ago, even if we cannot quite argue that the issue is settled." [14] "Generally, there is little continuity between Cusco-dominated Wari Period styles and Killke period settlements, of which 83.5% (183/224) have no occupation from AD 400 to AD 1000." [15]. However, another polity in the Cuzco Valley exhibited more continuity with the Wari: "The end of Wari occupation at Chokepukio is marked by the burial of some Wari temples and the complete razing of a number of very large buildings on the site. These were dismantled leaving only their foundations." [16] "There is strong Wari cultural influence in the ceramics and architecture of the Late Intermediate Period at Chokepukio, suggesting a continuity of cultural elements after the collapse of the Wari Empire." [17] Although it seems that the Killke and the Incas were not native to the zone, they might have been interpreted as genetically affiliated to the altiplano because of their conquest and subsequent mixing with the Lucre Basin Polity based at Choquepukio between 1300-1430 CE, as McEwan explains when referring to Choquepukio: "In a collaborative effort, Hiltunen and I (Hiltunen and McEwan 2004) have compared the archaeological evidence with the history given by Montesinos and suggest that descendants of the elite personages involved in the first migration to Cuzco later went on to found the Hanan (or upper moiety) of the Inca dynasty and united the various ethnic groups using K'illke ceramics, who were organized into the Hurin (or lower moiety)" [18]. The Killke groups that mixed with the Lucre might have been a continuation of previous Cuzco quasi-polities.
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ PeCuzL2 ♥
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ Wari cultural sphere ♥ The polity in the Lucre Basin (Pinagua) seems to have been in the Wari cultural sphere: "A few centuries later, circa AD 1300, a second building phase was initiated at Choquepukio, resulting in the construction of additional niched halls. Up to this point, the predominant postcollapse cultural influence had been derived from the Wari. The second building phase seems to represent the arrival of an elite group from the old Tiwanaku sphere of influence." [19]
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ ♥ km squared. The Lucre polity was initially in the Wari cultural sphere: 320,000 km squared. The Killke polity could have been influenced by the Tiwanaku/Lake Titicaca cultural sphere, the extent of which was 400,000 km squared in the Middle Horizon [20] , so its later cultural influence could have been on a similar range.

♠ Capital ♣ Cuzco; Choquepukio ♥ 1000-1300 CE Cuzco became capital of the Killke polity. This has been confirmed by archaeological digs under Cuzco. [21] Choquepukio was the capital of the Lucre Basin (Pinagua) polity. "Choquepukio was the most important settlement in the valley (McEwan 2006). Occupied by the Pinahua, it was quite an impressive town and may have even approached Killke-era Cuzco in scale and grandeur. Its ruins cover 60 ha on a low ridge and boast architecture bordering on the monumental - large stone enclosures and multi-storey buildings." [22]

Language

♠ Language ♣ [Aymara; Puquina] ♥ "Linguists have recently arrived at the view that the Incas may have adopted Quechua for imperial rule precisely because it was already widespread. Before then, the Incas spoke one or two other languages, most likely Aymara and possibly Puquina." [23] This refers to the pre-imperial Inca or Killke. The language used in other polities, such as the Pinagua of the Lucre Basin, seems to be undocumented.

General Description

After the collapse of the Wari empire, the Cuzco valley once more underwent a phase of regionalization, known as the Late Intermediate Period (1000‒1476 CE).[24] In other valleys of Peru, this period saw the emergence of complex kingdoms such as the Chimu, the Chincha, the Ischma and the Chanchay.
In the Cuzco Valley, this period lasted from the early 11th century to the early 15th century and was characterized by incipient state formation in two areas. To the west, the Killke or K'illke may have been the successors to the local Qotakalli chiefdoms of the Early Intermediate period and Middle Horizon.[25][26] Centred around the location of modern Cuzco, where Killke material has been excavated,[27] their sphere of influence extended south of Cuzco for around 20 kilometres.[28] Smaller undefended polities to the west of modern Cuzco may have been under Killke domination, while it is likely that the developing political units to the north were independent.[29]
In the Lucre Basin to the east, another powerful cluster emerged, referred to as 'Pinagua' or 'Pinagua-Moyna' by ethnohistorians. These polities developed around the sites of Choquepukio, Cotocotuyoc and Minaspata.[30] They may have upheld the cultural legacy of Wari colonizers from the Middle Horizon,[31][32] as their ceramics and architecture show profound Wari influence.[33] Choquepukio in particular exhibits significant continuity with the Wari through its monumental architecture.[34] Even further to the east, another small state may have existed around the settlements of Andahuaylillas, Huaro and Urcos. It has been suggested that the Pinagua cluster and these polities together prevented the eastern expansion of the Killke until the late 14th century.[35] Between these two extremities of the Cuzco Valley, the Oropesa Basin acted as a buffer zone.[36][37]
The Killke, centred in the Cuzco region, appear to have been the most influential and expansionary of these cultures during the Late Intermediate Period: their ceramics were widely used, in contrast to the limited spread of Lucre Basin styles.[38]

Population and political organization

The Cuzco Basin and the Sacred Valley experienced significant population growth after 1000 CE,[39] although population estimates are extremely difficult to produce.[40] The Lucre Basin cluster comprised at least 4 settlements extending over 10 hectares (e.g. Minaspata and Coto-coto), and Choquepukio covered 60 ha. These settlements may have housed several thousand people each.[41] The capital of the Killke polity, now buried beneath modern Cuzco, may have covered 50 ha.[42]
Little is known about political organization at the beginning of the Late Intermediate period, but archaeological work has revealed that the Killke polity had a four-tiered settlement hierarchy[43] The second half of the Late Intermediate Period would lead to the consolidation of the Killke polity, to the detriment of the Lucre Basin.[44] Eventually, the Killke elites laid the foundations of what would become the Inca empire.

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner; Agathe Dupeyron ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ [500-700] ♥ in squared kilometers.


Map 1000-1200 CE "Territory of Cuzco Basin polity." [45] About 30km by 20km.

South and west: taken early. North and east: more war, polities retained independence from the Incas longer (until about 1400 CE). [46]

Vilcanota river formed the northern boundary. [47]

"distribution of local Qotakalli and Araway styles drops off markedly beyond about 20 km of the Cuzco Basin." [48]

For the Lucre Basin polity: Huaro also exhibits Lucre pottery after the Wari collapse [49], may be in Choquepukio sphere of control? "The primary distribution of this style essentially encompasses the eastern end of the valley of Cuzco where Choquepukio and Pikillacta are located, extending to the southeast to include the modern towns of Andahuayllas, Huaro, and Urcos." [50]

Using Google maps area calculator, and mapping the location of Tipón (known fortress against the Killke), Urcos (furthest point where Lucre ceramic appears), and Choquepukio itself, a conservative estimate would be 70 squared kilometers. However there is no reference to the polity territory in the literature and a settlement survey is lacking to ascertain the extent of the Lucre polity.

♠ Polity Population ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Cuzco: 15,000?

Cuzco valley: 5,000-10,000. According to a Spaniard in mid 16th century, valley held over 20,000. [51] However, in the 1000-1250 CE period irrigation and terracing works had not all been completed, so maybe a bit less.

Cuzco valley population "grew markedly after about AD 1000" [52]

"There were many other settlements in the Lucre area; some of them, such as Minaspata and Coto-coto, were almost as large as Choquepukio (Dwyer 1971: 41; Glowacki 2002: 271). Since those towns likely housed several thousand people each, the populace collectively posed an ongoing challenge to Inca hegemony. Sarmiento’s (2007: 87, 96, 99) informants said that four successive Inca rulers - from Inka Roca to Pachakuti - all took up arms against them, but only the last was able to finally subjugate and then disperse them. Because of the extended animosities, it is no surprise that the Oropesa area that lay between them was an unoccupied buffer zone for much of the early era (Bauer and Covey 2004: 84-7)." [53]

The possibly allied site of Cotocotuyoc was 45 ha. [54]

If the three main towns had several thousand inhabitants each, we can infer that the Lucre confederation had at least 10,000 inhabitants.

♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ unknown ♥ [55] Cuzco. Cuzco at peak 20,000. [56] Cuzco settlement over 50 ha.

Choquepukio was the largest settlement in the Lucre Valley with 60 ha. [57]

Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ 4 ♥ levels.

The four-tiered settlement hierarchy (1000-1400 CE) minus the administrative centre level which was 1300 CE onwards. [58]

1. Cuzco (capital)
2. Large villages
3. Small villages and hamlets

Tiers suggested by d'Altroy from Bauer and Covey 2004[59]:

2. Cuzco (center) - 50ha
2. Town. About ten. Towns over 10 ha seem to be in the Lucre political sphere [60]
3. Smaller villages. About twenty. 1.00-7.00 ha on Covey's map [61]
4. Hamlets and other small sites. Over a hundred. 0.25-1.00 ha on Covey's map [62]

Cuzco Basin had large, undefended villages located near the valley floor. [63]

In Vilcanota Valley two higher orders of settlement were added after 1000 CE. [64]

The map produced by Covey [65] shows four settlements over 10ha in the Lucre Basin. From this we can infer:

1. Choquepukio (60 ha)
2. Other big settlements (over 10ha), possibly principal towns of other quasi polities. Huaro could be one of them.
3. Villages.
4. Hamlets.

♠ Administrative levels ♣ ♥ levels.

♠ Religious levels ♣ ♥ levels.

♠ Military levels ♣ ♥ levels.

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ inferred absent ♥ In the Lucre Basin: "La ubicación de Chokepukio es un indicativo tanto del poder político como del religioso, los cuales, como en el caso de los incas, eran inseparables." [66] The location of Choquepukio is indicative of both religious and political power, which, as in the case of the Incas, were inseparable. There is no evidence to suggest that the elites at Choquepukio specialised in bureaucracy or religion, it seems that they governed most matters in an unspecialised manner.

♠ Examination system ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Merit promotion ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ inferred absent ♥ There probably was no formal legal code as writing was not developed until the arrival of the Spanish. "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [67]

♠ Judges ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Courts ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ present ♥ Irrigation canals constructed. [68] "It is likely that the Lucre Basin polities continued to use irrigation canals and improved lands developed by Wari colonists, although this inference remains speculative in the absence of systematic survey data." [69] Canals are documented amongst other hydraulic works (fountains) in the architecture at Choquepukio. "Por último, varios de ellos presentan obras hidráulicas elaboradas que consisten en canales y fuentes, en algunos casos con agua que es canalizada sobre afloramientos rocosos que, probablemente, eran piedras-huaca." [70]
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ ♥ Choquepukio had fountains [71] , but McEwan does not state that they were used for drinking. Their use could have been mainly ceremonial.
♠ markets ♣ inferred absent ♥ According to Alan Covey: "No evidence of money. I don’t know how one would document “markets”—in the exchange sense or the spatial sense? There is not enough evidence to evaluate exchange systems in the Cuzco region before Inca times, and the study of Inca exchange is steeped in substantivist/Marxian ideology that downplays exchange." [72]
♠ food storage sites ♣ present ♥ "In general terms, however, these settlements tend to approximate those we have already described for the Late Intermediate in some parts of the Central Sierra: communities of modest size, comprised of nucleated clusters of predominantly round buildings, often containing precincts of small rectangular buildings which seem to be storage facilities." [73]

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ inferred absent ♥ Roads were present from Wari times, but it is unknown whether the Late Intermediate polities maintained and used them. According to Alan Covey, this was not the case, and he questions the emphasis put on Wari roads by archaeologists: "Not in Cuzco, and despite the assertions that the Incas used Wari infrastructure to conquer the highlands—which is really an argument for how the Incas could build an empire so quickly, one that is no longer needed with the preponderance of archaeological evidence—the regional archaeology along the route of the Inca road to Chinchaysuyu (which passed through Ayacucho) shows no Wari settlement along it (Belisle and Covey 2010; Belisle 2014). The chronicles state that the route was established in Inca times, when the ninth ruler built the bridge across the Apurimac, but that is also an assertion that requires due scepticism." [74]
♠ Bridges ♣ ♥
♠ Canals ♣ inferred present ♥ Huatanay River was "probably" canalised. [75] AD: There is no confirmation on whether this canalised river was used for transport.
♠ Ports ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ inferred present ♥ According to Alan Covey: "See Dennis Ogburn and Ian Farrington’s work. There are local diorite and limestone quarries near Cuzco, as well as the Huaccoto andesite quarry. Keep in mind that we still don’t know a lot about pre-imperial architecture in Cuzco." [76]

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ inferred absent ♥ "The khipu is most often associated with Inca accounting, but it was borrowed from Andean traditions that were developed at least a thousand years before the Incas. Some scholars think that the earliest systematic use of the khipu as a recording tool occurred in Wari or other expansionist states. It may owe its genesis to institutional demands, such as keeping track of supplies (Quilter and Urton 2002; Brokaw 2010). If they are right, then the Incas elaborated a package of administrative techniques developed by their imperial predecessors. It is certainly the case that the tool was well established across the Andes before the Inca empire came along, as different societies reportedly used a variety of knot-tying conventions. The chronicler Murua wrote that, “each province, as it had its own language, also had a different form and logic [razón] of quipo” (translation from Platt 2002: 229). In short, the Incas’ challenge most likely lay in systematizing recording for state institutions and in bringing many thousands of knot-masters up to speed in the preferred format, not in developing a specific inscription technique for state interests from scratch." [77] According to Alan Covey: "We should not assume that Wari used khipus, as none have been found. The “Wari” khipus that Urton reports from the AMNH are from poorly known coastal provenances, and Wari never really ruled over the coast. The Middle Horizon dates suggest that someone on the coast was using a khipu-like device, but it is a stretch to say that this was an imperial accounting device invented or used by Wari, and there is no evidence for Wari khipus in excavations of well-preserved Wari sites that have yielded abundant textile remains. I would also not infer their use in the LIP (AD 1000-1400)" [78]
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ inferred absent ♥ "The khipu is most often associated with Inca accounting, but it was borrowed from Andean traditions that were developed at least a thousand years before the Incas. Some scholars think that the earliest systematic use of the khipu as a recording tool occurred in Wari or other expansionist states. It may owe its genesis to institutional demands, such as keeping track of supplies (Quilter and Urton 2002; Brokaw 2010). If they are right, then the Incas elaborated a package of administrative techniques developed by their imperial predecessors. It is certainly the case that the tool was well established across the Andes before the Inca empire came along, as different societies reportedly used a variety of knot-tying conventions. The chronicler Murua wrote that, “each province, as it had its own language, also had a different form and logic [razón] of quipo” (translation from Platt 2002: 229). In short, the Incas’ challenge most likely lay in systematizing recording for state institutions and in bringing many thousands of knot-masters up to speed in the preferred format, not in developing a specific inscription technique for state interests from scratch." [79] According to Alan Covey: "We should not assume that Wari used khipus, as none have been found. The “Wari” khipus that Urton reports from the AMNH are from poorly known coastal provenances, and Wari never really ruled over the coast. The Middle Horizon dates suggest that someone on the coast was using a khipu-like device, but it is a stretch to say that this was an imperial accounting device invented or used by Wari, and there is no evidence for Wari khipus in excavations of well-preserved Wari sites that have yielded abundant textile remains. I would also not infer their use in the LIP (AD 1000-1400)" [80]
♠ Written records ♣ absent ♥ Writing was not developed until the arrival of the Spanish. "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [81]
♠ Script ♣ absent ♥ Writing was not developed until the arrival of the Spanish. "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [82]
♠ Non-phonetic writing ♣ absent ♥ Writing was not developed until the arrival of the Spanish. "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [83]
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ absent ♥ Writing was not developed until the arrival of the Spanish. "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [84]

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ absent ♥ Writing was not developed until the arrival of the Spanish. "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [85]
♠ Calendar ♣ absent ♥ Writing was not developed until the arrival of the Spanish. "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [86]
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ absent ♥ Writing was not developed until the arrival of the Spanish. "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [87]
♠ Religious literature ♣ absent ♥ Writing was not developed until the arrival of the Spanish. "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [88]
♠ Practical literature ♣ absent ♥ Writing was not developed until the arrival of the Spanish. "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [89]
♠ History ♣ absent ♥ Writing was not developed until the arrival of the Spanish. "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [90]
♠ Philosophy ♣ absent ♥ Writing was not developed until the arrival of the Spanish. "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [91]
♠ Scientific literature ♣ absent ♥ Writing was not developed until the arrival of the Spanish. "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [92]
♠ Fiction ♣ absent ♥ Writing was not developed until the arrival of the Spanish. "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [93]


Money

♠ Articles ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Marriage gifts included fine textiles and other valuable items,[94] which may have included exotic bird feathers and precious metals.
♠ Tokens ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Precious metals ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Marriage gifts included fine textiles and other valuable items,[95] which may have included exotic bird feathers and precious metals.
♠ Foreign coins ♣ absent ♥ According to Alan Covey: "No evidence of money. I don’t know how one would document “markets”—in the exchange sense or the spatial sense? There is not enough evidence to evaluate exchange systems in the Cuzco region before Inca times, and the study of Inca exchange is steeped in substantivist/Marxian ideology that downplays exchange." [96]
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ absent ♥ According to Alan Covey: "No evidence of money. I don’t know how one would document “markets”—in the exchange sense or the spatial sense? There is not enough evidence to evaluate exchange systems in the Cuzco region before Inca times, and the study of Inca exchange is steeped in substantivist/Marxian ideology that downplays exchange." [97]
♠ Paper currency ♣ absent ♥ According to Alan Covey: "No evidence of money. I don’t know how one would document “markets”—in the exchange sense or the spatial sense? There is not enough evidence to evaluate exchange systems in the Cuzco region before Inca times, and the study of Inca exchange is steeped in substantivist/Marxian ideology that downplays exchange." [98]

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Postal stations ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ General postal service ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner; Agathe Dupeyron ♥

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ suspected unknown ♥ "Copper-tin bronze alloys were developed by metalworkers in the cassiterite-rich southern Andean highlands of Bolivia, Peru, and northwest Argentina. Both bronze alloys were in use by about 850 A.D."[99]
♠ Bronze ♣ suspected unknown ♥ "Copper-tin bronze alloys were developed by metalworkers in the cassiterite-rich southern Andean highlands of Bolivia, Peru, and northwest Argentina. Both bronze alloys were in use by about 850 A.D."[100]
♠ Iron ♣ absent ♥ There was no steel/iron before the arrival of the Spanish.
♠ Steel ♣ absent ♥ There was no steel/iron before the arrival of the Spanish.

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Atlatl ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Slings ♣ present ♥ "A midden at Pukara Pantillijlla dated to the thirteenth century contained sling balls and two stone axes." [101]
♠ Self bow ♣ inferred present ♥ No archaeological reference, but this can be inferred from the ubiquitous presence of bows and arrows in Wari and Inca times, and the presence of conflicts in the Late Intermediate Period.
♠ Composite bow ♣ inferred absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Crossbow ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ absent ♥ There was no gunpowder before the arrival of the Spanish.
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ absent ♥ There was no gunpowder before the arrival of the Spanish.

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Battle axes ♣ present ♥ [102]
♠ Daggers ♣ present ♥ knives [103]
♠ Swords ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Spears ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Polearms ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Dogs existed in Peru but no evidence to say whether they were used for warfare
♠ Donkeys ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Horses ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Camels ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Elephants ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Shields ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Helmets ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Breastplates ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Limb protection ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Chainmail ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Scaled armor ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Laminar armor ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Plate armor ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ suspected unknown ♥ probably absent
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ suspected unknown ♥ probably absent

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ present ♥ "Those settlements were generally unfortified and lay in open positions, a pattern at variance with the defensive planning of most highland settlements of the time, even places nearby." [104] "Several sites in remote parts of the southern Cuzco Basin were established on high ridges after AD 1000. Some of these settlements were located far from permanent water sources, and many were in areas with natural defenses. At least one of these, Pungurhuaylla, was walled (fig.5.12). These sites were established after the decline of the Wari and had little or no Inca pottery present, perhaps indicating a temporary - and unsuccessful - attempt by some groups in more distant and difficult-to-reach locations to remain independent of the Cusco Basin polity." [105] Settlements in a defensive position are recorded in the Vilcanota valley, not in the Killke polity itself but a group of quasi-polities nearby. [106] "Except for Tipón - a fortified site located in a depopulated buffer zone between the Inka and Pinaw-Muyna polities- these sites are large villages or towns located close to the valley bottom, with no apparent defensive works." [107]
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Ditch ♣ present ♥ "The chronicles mention repeated Inca incursions against their neighbours to the north, and many sites are found in areas with natural (cliffs) and artificial defenses (walls or ditches)." [108]
♠ Moat ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ present ♥ "Sites with defensive walls include Pungurhuaylla, Raqchi, Warq'ana, Pumamarka, Huata, Muyuch'urqu, and Tipón" [109]
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ present ♥ Tipón "This Late Intermediate Period settlement and its agricultural lands and water sources were surrounded by an enormous defensive wall, constructed of rough field stones and mud mortar, approximately five meters in height. In other sections, areas of sheer cliff blocked access to the site. These defensive features of the site run for several kilometers." [110]
♠ Fortified camps ♣ present ♥ Tipón "This Late Intermediate Period settlement and its agricultural lands and water sources were surrounded by an enormous defensive wall, constructed of rough field stones and mud mortar, approximately five meters in height. In other sections, areas of sheer cliff blocked access to the site. These defensive features of the site run for several kilometers." [111] Many forts and fortifications developed when the Inca state annexed new territory outside the Cuzco Basin during the Inca state period. [112] Within this period ? walls were constructed at Muyuch'urqu, and there were defenses at Raqchi. [113] However it is not clear from text whether construction is before 1250 CE and whether they were built by the Incas. Early Inca architecture at Markasunay in the Sacred Valley[114] but if the Incas did not expand into the Sacred Valley until 1250-1310 CE period by "early" author must mean not as early as 1000-1200, the date in the title of the chapter. According to D'Altroy, Cuzco valley settlements (initially?) were unfortified, open positions in contrast to those of the neighbouring highland settlements.[115]
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Long walls ♣ 0 ♥ km. This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥ This technology is not known to have been developed anywhere in the Americas before European colonization.

Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ ♥

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ ♥
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ ♥
♠ Impeachment ♣ ♥

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni ♥

Deification of Rulers

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ inferred present ♥ "Claims to leadership, though based on genealogy and ability, also gained legitimacy from religious sanction in the royal narratives. Most early kings were imbued with magical qualities granted by the Sun or Creator God. Their deed exhibited precocious military valor or supernatural assistance, combined with visions of the future. Mayta Qhapaq's life, for instance, was so filled with wondrous feats that the Spaniards used Hercules and Merlin as reference points for their European audiences. He was reputed to have been born with his teeth intact after only a three-month pregnancy, could walk at birth, and had reached the stature of an eight-year-old at just one year (Sarmiento 1960:221). When an Inca ruler took the throne, he also assumed a new, sometimes, supernaturally inspired, name. As noted above, Titu Kusi Wallpa received the name 'He Who Sheds Bloody Tears' (Yawar Waqaq) for weeping blood, an act that was famously repeated by the 'Tired Stone' above Cuzco (chapter 7). We cannot fix when particular narratives became royal doctrine, but the invention of elite dogma was an ongoing process that most likely had some roots in the Killke era." [116]

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ inferred present ♥ "Claims to leadership, though based on genealogy and ability, also gained legitimacy from religious sanction in the royal narratives. Most early kings were imbued with magical qualities granted by the Sun or Creator God. Their deed exhibited precocious military valor or supernatural assistance, combined with visions of the future. Mayta Qhapaq's life, for instance, was so filled with wondrous feats that the Spaniards used Hercules and Merlin as reference points for their European audiences. He was reputed to have been born with his teeth intact after only a three-month pregnancy, could walk at birth, and had reached the stature of an eight-year-old at just one year (Sarmiento 1960:221). When an Inca ruler took the throne, he also assumed a new, sometimes, supernaturally inspired, name. As noted above, Titu Kusi Wallpa received the name 'He Who Sheds Bloody Tears' (Yawar Waqaq) for weeping blood, an act that was famously repeated by the 'Tired Stone' above Cuzco (chapter 7). We cannot fix when particular narratives became royal doctrine, but the invention of elite dogma was an ongoing process that most likely had some roots in the Killke era." [117]

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ inferred absent ♥ "Claims to leadership, though based on genealogy and ability, also gained legitimacy from religious sanction in the royal narratives. Most early kings were imbued with magical qualities granted by the Sun or Creator God. Their deed exhibited precocious military valor or supernatural assistance, combined with visions of the future. Mayta Qhapaq's life, for instance, was so filled with wondrous feats that the Spaniards used Hercules and Merlin as reference points for their European audiences. He was reputed to have been born with his teeth intact after only a three-month pregnancy, could walk at birth, and had reached the stature of an eight-year-old at just one year (Sarmiento 1960:221). When an Inca ruler took the throne, he also assumed a new, sometimes, supernaturally inspired, name. As noted above, Titu Kusi Wallpa received the name 'He Who Sheds Bloody Tears' (Yawar Waqaq) for weeping blood, an act that was famously repeated by the 'Tired Stone' above Cuzco (chapter 7). We cannot fix when particular narratives became royal doctrine, but the invention of elite dogma was an ongoing process that most likely had some roots in the Killke era." [118]

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥ "Claims to leadership, though based on genealogy and ability, also gained legitimacy from religious sanction in the royal narratives. Most early kings were imbued with magical qualities granted by the Sun or Creator God. Their deed exhibited precocious military valor or supernatural assistance, combined with visions of the future. Mayta Qhapaq's life, for instance, was so filled with wondrous feats that the Spaniards used Hercules and Merlin as reference points for their European audiences. He was reputed to have been born with his teeth intact after only a three-month pregnancy, could walk at birth, and had reached the stature of an eight-year-old at just one year (Sarmiento 1960:221). When an Inca ruler took the throne, he also assumed a new, sometimes, supernaturally inspired, name. As noted above, Titu Kusi Wallpa received the name 'He Who Sheds Bloody Tears' (Yawar Waqaq) for weeping blood, an act that was famously repeated by the 'Tired Stone' above Cuzco (chapter 7). We cannot fix when particular narratives became royal doctrine, but the invention of elite dogma was an ongoing process that most likely had some roots in the Killke era." [119]
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ suspected unknown ♥ absent/present/unknown

♠ Ideology reinforces prosociality ♣ suspected unknown ♥ absent/present/unknown. Religious doctrine, philosophical statements, or practice makes claims about engaging in activity for the benefit of a wider community, for instance Christian traditions of alms-giving or Islamic sadaqah

♠ production of public goods ♣ inferred present ♥ "Inca myths touted their ancestors' largess, because it helped to legitimize their elevated status. Speaking more generally, a chief's position often partly depends on his ability to control labor and its products, without owning the natural resources themselves. Since gift-giving advertises a chief's productive capacity, it can attract new adherents and create public obligations. Among the Incas, ritualized generosity may have helped to mediate political alliances and residential shifts among the Incas and their neighbors. Some authors also think that the manipulation of exchange obligations helped to underwrite the local rise of Inca power because their largess placed the recipients of gifts in an inferior social position (Rostworowski 1999:38-47)." [120]

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ inferred absent ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [121] [122] [123]

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