MxTieLa

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Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams; Gréine Jordan ♥ Majority of work carried out by Alice Williams; Gréine Jordan wrote general description and edited some of Williams's work.

♠ Original name ♣ Tierras Largas ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ Early Prehistoric; Early Formative ♥

♠ Peak Date ♣ 1400 BCE-1150 BCE ♥ The date range given here corresponds to the whole Tierras Largas phase as there was no discernible peak date.


Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 1400 BCE-1150 BCE ♥ [1]

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ quasi-polity ♥ This phase was characterised by a number of small settlements, with the exception of one larger site (San José Mogote) [2]. The Tierras Largas phase was a period of “egalitarian or “autonomous village” society, where status could be achieved but not inherited (as suggested by three burials of potentially higher status individuals at San José Mogote and Tierras Largas)[3].

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ none ♥ This phase was characterised by a number of small settlements, with the exception of one larger site (San José Mogote) [4].

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ Archaic Period ♥
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ continuity ♥ The main difference between this period and the preceding Archaic Period are the emergence of the Tierras Largas ceramic complex, an increase in the number of settlements and a larger settlement at San José Mogote.[5]
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ MxSanGu ♥
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ Early Formative ♥ The groups occupying the Valley of Oaxaca at this time were relatively simple, settled communities which shared a widespread ceramic complex (the Tierras Largas pottery). There are no distinct cultural differences across the region at this time and the supracultural entity has therefore been coded as the general phase name for sites of this period.[6]
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ 3,000 ♥ km squared. As there are no distinct cultural differences between the material culture of communities in the valley of this period, the area of the valley has been coded here.

♠ Capital ♣ none ♥ The largest settlement was San José Mogote, but there is no evidence for a unified polity and so the settlement cannot be called a capital.

♠ Language ♣ ♥ There are no written records from this phase, but later evidence shows that people in the valley spoke Zapotec, possibly from the succeeding San José Mogote phase, and the Otomanguean language families may have split before the start of this period.[7]

General Description

The Tierras Largas phase refers to the period from 1400 to 1150 BCE. It was named for an archaeological site in the Etla subregion of the Valley of Oaxaca, Southern Mexico.[8]

Population and political organization

There is no evidence for a widespread unified polity during the Tierras Largas phase, and very little indication of social differentiation between or within communities. The period has therefore been characterized as one of egalitarian social organization, in which status could perhaps be achieved but not inherited.[9] The population, estimated at 500-1000, was dispersed throughout the valley with settlements clustered on the most fertile land in the Etla arm.[10][11][12][13] Most of these settlements were small (between one and three hectares), except for San José Mogote, which was larger (seven hectares), had a defensive palisade and featured larger buildings that could have been used as public spaces.[14] However, there is no evidence that the influence of San José Mogote extended beyond the village to other settlements.[15] The 'type site', Tierras Largas, covered around 1.6-2.2 ha and consisted of 5-10 households with nearby storage pits.[16] The inhabitants of the valley cultivated domestic crops and supplemented their diet by gathering wild fruits and hunting animals. More intensive forms of agriculture had not yet developed.[17]

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Previously coded as 0.078 squared kilometers, based on the following reasoning: sources do not suggest there is evidence for a unified polity during this period, so the size of the largest settlement, San José Mogote, has been coded here. The settlement consists of nine proximate sites which together form a settlement cluster.[18][19][20]

♠ Polity Population ♣ suspected unknown ♥ people. Previously coded as [71-340] people, based on the following reasoning: As sources do not suggest there is evidence for a widespread unified polity during this period, the population estimate of the largest settlement (San José Mogote) has been coded here.[21] The population of the whole Valley of Oaxaca has been estimated at 463-935 people, who were mainly concentrated in the Etla arm (~52% of the population)[22][23] "Table 11.3. Population in the largest centers, by phase, in Oaxaca and Ejutla."[24] Valley of Oaxaca population (Largest center in Oaxaca): Tierras Largas: 327 (128).[25]

♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ [71-340] ♥ Inhabitants. The actual extent of San José Mogote during this period cannot be determined because of later disturbance and the movement of materials from this period: “The Settlement Pattern Project estimates San José Mogote to have had between 71 and 186 persons... Our [Flannery and Marcus, 2005] estimates for the site of San José Mogote, based on excavation, would be 170-340 persons... There is no way to know, at present, whether either of those estimates is accurate.”[26] "Table 11.3. Population in the largest centers, by phase, in Oaxaca and Ejutla."[27] Valley of Oaxaca population (Largest center in Oaxaca): Tierras Largas: 327 (128).[28]

Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ 1 ♥ level. Around 26 settlements were occupied during the Tierras Largas phase[29]. Most of these settlements were small villages or hamlets, except for San José Mogote which was larger and had public buildings and a defensive palisade, although sources do not suggest there is evidence that the influence of San Jose Mogote extended beyond the village to other villages.

1. Including both the largest village, San Jose Mogote, and smaller villages throughout the valley.

Large village: San José Mogote (estimated at 7.8ha in size), although it consisted of 9 loosely clustered residential areas.[30][31]. The site included: nuclear family houses; subterranean storage pits (collectively 1,000kg maize per household); ritual “men’s houses”; and a palisade defense along western periphery consisting of a double line of posts, dated to 1300 BCE (which could have extended further but archaeological remains have been destroyed in other areas)[32] Small villages or hamlets (most were between 0.1-1.5 ha in size).

Smaller villages: The "type site" for this phase, Tierras Largas, covered around 1.58-2.24ha and consisted of 5-10 households with nearby storage pits.[33]


♠ Administrative levels ♣ 1 ♥ levels. One administrative level is inferred, as sources do not suggest there is evidence that one village exerted influence on another, and storage pits were located nearby individual households.[34] San José Mogote has evidence for subterranean storage facilities which could hold up to 1,000kg of maize per household, and ritual “Men’s Houses”[35]. The exact relationship between San José Mogote and the surrounding smaller villages in the Etla region is unknown.

1. Organisation was based at the village or household level in both the large and small villages.

Large village: San José Mogote (estimated at 7.8ha in size)[36][37]. The site included: nuclear family houses; subterranean storage pits (collectively 1,000kg maize per household); ritual “men’s houses”; and a palisade defense along western periphery consisting of a double line of posts, dated to 1300 BCE (which could have extended further but archaeological remains have been destroyed in other areas)[38]

Small villages or hamlets: (most were between 0.1-1.5 ha in size). These sites did not have public buildings, with household storage pits.[39][40]

♠ Religious levels ♣ 1 ♥ levels. Ritual “Men’s Houses” at San José Mogote suggest that some members of the community may have had ritual roles during this phase.[41][42]

♠ Military levels ♣ 1 ♥ levels. A degree of military organisation is suggested by the presence of a defensive palisade at San José Mogote, although sources do not suggest there is evidence for a permanent military. Raiding warfare on a small scale was common during this period.[43]

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ inferred absent ♥ Warfare consisted of small-scale raiding during this period, and sources do not suggest there is evidence for professional military officers or soldiers.[44][45]

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ inferred absent ♥ Warfare consisted of small-scale raiding during this period, and sources do not suggest there is evidence for professional military officers or soldiers.[46][47]

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ inferred absent ♥ The best evidence for ritual activity are the ritual “Men’s Houses” at San José Mogote, but sources do not suggest there is evidence for a professional priesthood.[48][49]

Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ inferred absent ♥ Although there must have been organised activity (e.g. to construct the public buildings and defensive palisade at San José Mogote) sources do not suggest there is evidence for full-time bureaucrats.[50]

♠ Examination system ♣ inferred absent ♥ No writing, and small size of polity enable us to infer that there was no examination system. sources do not suggest there is evidence for an examination system during this period, although status may have been gained by achievement throughout an individual’s lifetime.[51]

♠ Merit promotion ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a bureaucratic class at this time, much less a meritocratic one.[52]

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ inferred absent ♥ There were public buildings and evidence for group organisation (for construction of public buildings and defensive palisade at San José Mogote) but no evidence for governmental organisation.[53][54]

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ inferred absent ♥ There are no written records from this period.[55][56]

♠ Judges ♣ inferred absent ♥ Considering the small size of polities, full-time judges were probably absent. Coded as absent as sources do not suggest there were legal writings or buildings for legal proceedings.[57][58]

♠ Courts ♣ inferred absent ♥ Considering the small size of polities, specialised court buildings were probably absent. Coded as absent as sources do not suggest there were legal writings or buildings for legal proceedings.[59][60]

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ inferred absent ♥ Considering the small size of polities, full-time lawyers were probably absent. Coded as absent as sources do not suggest there were legal writings or buildings for legal proceedings.[61][62]

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence of either canal or pot irrigation in the Valley of Oaxaca before 1000 BCE.[63]
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ ♥
♠ markets ♣ absent ♥ There is very little evidence to suggest the presence of any market system before the establishment of Monte Alban.[64]
♠ food storage sites ♣ inferred absent ♥ At San José Mogote there were subterranean storage pits which could store 1000kg of maize per household.[65] However, it is unlikely these were maintained by a state-like entity.

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a road system in this period.[66] Gary Feinman[67] told us that "Between sites there are known 16th century trails, which were likely used for a long, long time. [...] they likely were not paved, but there were no beasts of burden." However, we do not count paths and trails not constructed deliberately as roads.
♠ Bridges ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for bridges in this period.[68]
♠ Canals ♣ absent ♥ Canal irrigation did not appear until the Monte Albán I period.[69]
♠ Ports ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources only describe residential sites.[70]

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[71][72] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Written records ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[73][74] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Script ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[75][76] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Non-phonetic writing ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[77][78] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[79][80] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[81][82] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Calendar ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[83][84] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[85][86] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Religious literature ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[87][88] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Practical literature ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[89][90] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ History ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[91][92] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Philosophy ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[93][94] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Scientific literature ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[95][96] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Fiction ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[97][98] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.


Money

♠ Articles ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Although exchange of goods will have taken place, sources do not suggest that specific monetary items have been found dating to this period.[99]
♠ Tokens ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Although exchange of goods will have taken place, sources do not suggest that specific monetary items have been found dating to this period.[100]
♠ Precious metals ♣ absent ♥ Although exchange of goods will have taken place, sources do not suggest that specific monetary items have been found dating to this period.[101]
♠ Foreign coins ♣ absent ♥ Although exchange of goods will have taken place, sources do not suggest that specific monetary items have been found dating to this period.[102]
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ absent ♥ Although exchange of goods will have taken place, sources do not suggest that specific monetary items have been found dating to this period.[103]
♠ Paper currency ♣ absent ♥ Although exchange of goods will have taken place, sources do not suggest that specific monetary items have been found dating to this period.[104]

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a postal system during this period.[105]
♠ Postal stations ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a postal system during this period.[106]
♠ General postal service ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a postal system during this period.[107]

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams ♥

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[108][109]
♠ Bronze ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[110][111]
♠ Iron ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[112][113]
♠ Steel ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[114][115] Moreover, Hassig lists steel weapons among the new military technologies the Spanish introduced to the region in the sixteenth century[116]

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[117] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Atlatl ♣ inferred present ♥ Present in the valley of Oaxaca since preceramic times (the Proto-Otomangueans) for hunting.[118] However, it does seem to be clear whether they were also used as weapons in warfare.
♠ Slings ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[119] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias. It is also worth noting that Spanish documents record the use of slings at the end of the Monte Alban V period.[120]
♠ Self bow ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[121] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias. It is also worth noting that Spanish documents record the use of bows and arrows at the end of the Monte Alban V period.[122]
♠ Composite bow ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[123] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias. It is also worth noting that Spanish documents record the use of bows and arrows at the end of the Monte Alban V period.[124]
♠ Crossbow ♣ absent ♥ Hassig lists crossbows among the new military technologies the Spanish introduced to the region in the sixteenth century[125]
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ absent ♥
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ absent ♥
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ absent ♥
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ absent ♥

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[126] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Battle axes ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[127] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Daggers ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[128] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Swords ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[129] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Spears ♣ inferred present ♥ Present in the valley of Oaxaca since preceramic times (the Proto-Otomangueans) for hunting.[130] However, it does seem to be clear whether they were also used as weapons in warfare.
♠ Polearms ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[131] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ absent ♥ Hassig lists war dogs among the new military "technologies" the Spanish introduced to the region in the sixteenth century[132]
♠ Donkeys ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Horses ♣ absent ♥ Hassig lists horses among the new military "technologies" the Spanish introduced to the region in the sixteenth century[133]
♠ Camels ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Elephants ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to military technology used in this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[134] However, armour made from wood and cloth has been documented for the later periods, so its absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to military technology used in this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[135] However, armour made from wood and cloth has been documented for the later periods, so its absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Shields ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to military technology used in this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[136] However, armour made from wood and cloth has been documented for the later periods, so its absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Helmets ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to military technology used in this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[137] However, armour made from wood and cloth has been documented for the later periods, so its absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Breastplates ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to military technology used in this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[138] However, armour made from wood and cloth has been documented for the later periods, so its absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Limb protection ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to military technology used in this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[139] However, armour made from wood and cloth has been documented for the later periods, so its absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Chainmail ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[140][141]
♠ Scaled armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[142][143]
♠ Laminar armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[144][145]
♠ Plate armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[146][147]

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ inferred absent ♥ The majority of settlements were located in fertile arable land during this period.[148]
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ present ♥ A defensive palisade was present at San José Mogote during this period, as shown by two rows of post holes. The length of the wall is not known due to later disturbance of the remains.[149]
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades[150] but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
♠ Ditch ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades[151] but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
♠ Moat ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades[152] but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades[153] but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades[154] but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
♠ Fortified camps ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades[155] but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades[156] but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
♠ Long walls ♣ suspected unknown ♥ km. The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades[157] but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥ Gunpowder not yet introduced.

Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ Gréine Jordan ♥

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ ♥ The Tierras Largas phase was a period of “egalitarian or “autonomous village” society, where status could be achieved but not inherited (as suggested by three burials of potentially higher status individuals at San José Mogote and Tierras Largas)[158]. Organisation was based at the village or household level in both the large and small villages. One administrative level is inferred, as there is no evidence that one village exerted influence on another, and storage pits were located nearby individual households.[159] Although there must have been organised activity (to construct the public buildings and defensive palisade at San José Mogote) there is no evidence for full-time bureaucrats.[160]. The exact relationship between San José Mogote and the surrounding smaller villages in the Etla region is unknown. there are no written records of a legal code or buildings for legal proceedings.[161][162]
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ ♥ The Tierras Largas phase was a period of “egalitarian or “autonomous village” society, where status could be achieved but not inherited (as suggested by three burials of potentially higher status individuals at San José Mogote and Tierras Largas)[163]. Organisation was based at the village or household level in both the large and small villages. One administrative level is inferred, as there is no evidence that one village exerted influence on another, and storage pits were located nearby individual households.[164] Although there must have been organised activity (to construct the public buildings and defensive palisade at San José Mogote) there is no evidence for full-time bureaucrats.[165]. The exact relationship between San José Mogote and the surrounding smaller villages in the Etla region is unknown. there are no written records of a legal code or buildings for legal proceedings.[166][167]
♠ Impeachment ♣ ♥ The Tierras Largas phase was a period of “egalitarian or “autonomous village” society, where status could be achieved but not inherited (as suggested by three burials of potentially higher status individuals at San José Mogote and Tierras Largas)[168]. Organisation was based at the village or household level in both the large and small villages. One administrative level is inferred, as there is no evidence that one village exerted influence on another, and storage pits were located nearby individual households.[169] Although there must have been organised activity (to construct the public buildings and defensive palisade at San José Mogote) there is no evidence for full-time bureaucrats.[170]. The exact relationship between San José Mogote and the surrounding smaller villages in the Etla region is unknown. there are no written records of a legal code or buildings for legal proceedings.[171][172]

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ inferred absent ♥ From Phase I: This phase was characterised by a number of small settlements, with the exception of one larger site (San José Mogote) [173]. The Tierras Largas phase was a period of “egalitarian or “autonomous village” society, where status could be achieved but not inherited (as suggested by three burials of potentially higher status individuals at San José Mogote and Tierras Largas)[174].

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni ♥

Deification of Rulers

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Ideology reinforces prosociality ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ production of public goods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ inferred absent ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [175] [176] [177]

References

  1. Feinman, G. M., et al. (1985). "Long-term demographic change: A perspective from the valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." Journal of Field Archaeology 12(3): 333-362.
  2. Blanton, R. E., et al. (1979). "Regional evolution in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." Journal of Field Archaeology 6(4): 372.
  3. lannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p6
  4. Blanton, R. E., et al. (1979). "Regional evolution in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." Journal of Field Archaeology 6(4): 372.
  5. Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p43
  6. Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p43
  7. Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p4-7
  8. (Hodges 1989, 26) Denise C. Hodges. 1989. Agricultural Intensification and Prehistoric Health in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico. Prehistory and Human Ecology of the Valley of Oaxaca, Vol. 9. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Museum of Anthropology.
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