MxSanGu

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Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams; Gréine Jordan ♥ Majority of work carried out by Alice Williams; Gréine Jordan wrote general description and edited some of Williams's work.

♠ Original name ♣ Oaxaca-San Jose ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ Early Prehistoric; Early Formative; Guadalupe phase ♥

♠ Peak Date ♣ 1150 BCE-850 BCE ♥ It has been suggested that the Guadalupe phase was a ‘winding down’ of social complexity compared to the preceeding San José phase.[1] The peak dates have therefore been coded as relating to the San José phase.[2]


Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 1150 BCE-700 BCE ♥ Both the San José and Guadalupe phases are characterised by ceramic complexes, which correspond to roughly 1150-850 BCE and 850-700 BCE respectively.[3] The end of this phase is marked by the appearance of Rosario ceramic styles and more complex chiefdom organisation.[4]

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ quasi-polity ♥ There is very limited evidence for social stratification and centralisation of settlements at San José Mogote. Some neighbouring smaller settlements may have been influenced by people at San José Mogote, as suggested by the importing of limestone and travertine from up to 5km away, but there is otherwise little evidence for a unified polity.[5]

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ none ♥ Residents at San José Mogote were the most numerous and hierarchically complex in the valley at this time, but relations with other settlements may only have extended as far as some smaller neighbouring ones for the purposes of importing limestone and travertine for construction at San José Mogote.[6]

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ MxTieLa ♥
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ continuity ♥ The population of the largest settlement, San José Mogote, grew substantially to over 1000 people during this period, [7] but there are few other settlements where this population could have migrated from.
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ MxRosar ♥
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ Early Formative ♥ The ceramic complex in the Valley of Oaxaca at this time resembled the ceramics of contemporary societies in Mesoamerica, including the Tlatilco in the Valley of Mexico Las Bocas in south-western Puebla, Chiapa de Corzo I in Chiapas, and the San Lorenzo phase in southern Veracruz[8]. These societies traded goods and ideas, but would not have been integrated polities.[9]
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ ♥

♠ Capital ♣ ♥ Although not necessarily a capital, San José Mogote was the largest site in the valley at this time, and may have been the central site in the Etla arm.[10]

♠ Language ♣ ♥ There are no written records from this phase, but later evidence shows that people in the valley spoke Zapotec, possibly from the succeeding San José Mogote phase, and the Otomanguean language families may have split before the start of this period.[11]

General Description

The San José phase (1150-850 BCE), named for a settlement located in the Etla subregion of the Valley of Oaxaca, Southern Mexico, and the Guadalupe phase (850-700 BCE), are combined here because of the difficulty of differentiating between the material culture of the two phases.[12] Both phases were characterized by substantial growth at the settlement of San José Mogote, both in terms of population and the construction of non-residential public buildings.[13] Other sites remained relatively small during this period and were located on more productive land in the low piedmont and alluvial zones.[14]

Population and political organization

The degree of social stratification during the San José and Guadalupe phases is a matter of scholarly debate. Archaeologists Joyce Marcus and Kent Flannery identify the emergence of a chiefdom, which would have directed the construction of ceremonial and public spaces.[15] However, Richard Blanton et al.[16] have argued for a more 'corporate form of governance', in which 'members of prominent households' collectively contributed to political decision-making and status distinctions were achieved rather than inherited.[17] While there is no evidence for distinct social classes, burial goods and a range of larger residences suggest that some individuals were more highly ranked within the community than others.[18][19] Based on the cranial deformation of some individuals, it has also been argued that there may be evidence for hereditary social rank, although these individuals were not buried with rich goods and so cannot be directly linked with chiefly status within the community. It is possible that although status was mostly determined based on achievements during a person's lifetime, higher status would be more likely for people with a certain parentage.[20] The remains of limestone and travertine building materials from a source 5 kilometres from San José Mogote suggest that the occupants of San José Mogote were beginning to extend their authority to surrounding settlements.
It has been estimated that there were over 1000 people living at San José Mogote during this period.[21] The entire valley had an estimated population of around 2000 people divided among 40 communities in the San José phase (1150-850 BCE) and 2000-2500 persons during the Guadalupe phase (850-700 BCE), but these were not integrated into a single polity at this time.[22]

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ suspected unknown ♥ squared kilometers

♠ Polity Population ♣ suspected unknown ♥ People. It has been estimated that there were over 1000 people living at San José Mogote during this period.[23] The entire valley had an estimated population of around 2000 persons divided among 40 communities in the San Jose phase (1150-850 BCE) and 2000-2500 persons during the Guadalupe phase (850-700 BCE), but were not integrated into one polity at this time.[24] Estimate total population Oaxaca Valley at 2,000 for 1000 BCE.[25] "Table 11.3. Population in the largest centers, by phase, in Oaxaca and Ejutla."[26] Valley of Oaxaca population (Largest center in Oaxaca): Tierras Largas: 327 (128); San Jose: 1942 (1384); Guadalupe: 1788 (774); Rosario: 1835 (564); Early I: 14652 (5250); Late I: 51339 (17242); Monte Alban II: 41927 (14492); Monte Alban IIIA: 120121 (16507); Monte Alban IIIB: 78930 (24189); Monte Alban IV: 77612 (16117); Monte Alban V: 166467 (13831).[27]

♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ [791-1976] ♥ Inhabitants. The population of San José Mogote is estimated to have grown during this period, and the population estimates are based on the extent of buildings and pottery at San José Mogote.[28][29] Table 11.3. Population in the largest centers, by phase, in Oaxaca and Ejutla."[30] Valley of Oaxaca population (Largest center in Oaxaca): San Jose: 1942 (1384); Guadalupe: 1788 (774).[31]

Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ 2 ♥ levels.

1. San José Mogote-79 ha (including all the barrios outside the central part of the settlement, roughly 20ha in size) and grew to include over 1000 people.[32] San Jose Mogote also had numerous public buildings (including Structures 1 and 2, which were pyramidal platforms for buildings on top).[33]

2. Villages-0.1-2ha with 10-12 families.[34][35]. Examples of these settlements include: Fábrica San José, San Sebastián Abasolo and Tierras Largas.[36]

♠ Administrative levels ♣ [1-2] ♥ levels. Two administrative levels are inferred to be present, based on the settlement hierarchy and the inferred links with villages to import building materials to San José Mogote,[37] although this division may be incorrect as it should not be assumed that the settlement hierarchy corresponds with the administrative hierarchy for this period (the sites may have been competing with each other rather than in dominant or subordinate administrative positions).[38]

1. leaders of San José Mogote

2. village heads in surrounding settlements

♠ Religious levels ♣ 1 ♥ levels. Ritual ‘Men’s Houses’ (consisting of one, plaster-coated room with lime mixing pits) were built at San José Mogote.[39] Given the ritual practices shown throughout the rest of the site (including pottery relating to either the Earth or Sky motifs and cranial deformation practices) at least one religious level is inferred here.[40]

♠ Military levels ♣ 1 ♥ levels. One level of military organisation could be inferred based on evidence for inter-village raiding, although the raids would have been small scale and military leadership is unlikely to have been a permanent position.

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ absent ♥ Warfare consisted of small-scale raiding during this period, and sources do not suggest there is evidence for professional or permanent military officers or soldiers.[41][42]

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ inferred absent ♥ Warfare consisted of small-scale raiding during this period, and sources do not suggest there is evidence for professional or permanent military officers or soldiers.[43][44]

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ inferred absent ♥ The best evidence for ritual activity are the ritual “Men’s Houses” at San José Mogote, but sources do not suggest there is evidence for a professional or permanent priesthood.[45][46]

Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ inferred absent ♥ Although there must have been organised activity (e.g. to construct the public buildings and defensive palisade at San José Mogote) sources do not suggest there is evidence for full-time bureaucrats.[47]

♠ Examination system ♣ inferred absent ♥ No writing, and small size of polity enable us to infer that there was no examination system. sources do not suggest there is evidence for an examination system during this period, although status may have been gained by achievement throughout an individual’s lifetime.[48]

♠ Merit promotion ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a bureaucratic class at this time, much less a meritocratic one.[49]

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ inferred absent ♥ There were public buildings and evidence for group organisation (for construction of public buildings and defensive palisade at San José Mogote) but no evidence for governmental organisation.[50][51]

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there are written records from this period, so a formal legal code is inferred to be absent.[52][53]

♠ Judges ♣ inferred absent ♥ Coded as absent as sources do not suggest there are written records of a legal code or buildings for legal proceedings. Considering the small size of the polities, full-time judges would be very unlikely.[54][55]

♠ Courts ♣ absent ♥ Coded as absent as sources do not suggest there are written records of a legal code or buildings for legal proceedings.[56][57]

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ inferred absent ♥ Coded as absent as sources do not suggest there are written records of a legal code or buildings for legal proceedings. Considering the small size of the polities, full-time lawyers would be very unlikely.[58][59]

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ absent ♥ There is very little evidence for irrigation systems during this period. Most settlements were located on the high alluvium and so would not have needed irrigation to supply the crops (only in later periods, when settlements were established on the piedmont, did irrigation become more prevalent).[60][61][62]
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ ♥
♠ markets ♣ absent ♥ There is very little evidence to suggest the presence of any market system in prehispanic Oaxaca.[63]
♠ food storage sites ♣ ♥

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a road system in this period.[64] Gary Feinman[65] told us that "Between sites there are known 16th century trails, which were likely used for a long, long time. [...] they likely were not paved, but there were no beasts of burden." However, we do not count paths and trails not constructed deliberately as roads.
♠ Bridges ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for bridges in this period.[66]
♠ Canals ♣ absent ♥ Canal irrigation did not appear until the Monte Albán I period.[67]
♠ Ports ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources only describe residential sites.[68]

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ ♥ unknown. The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[69][70] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ ♥ unknown.
♠ Written records ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[71][72] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Script ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[73][74] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Non-phonetic writing ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[75][76] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[77][78] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[79][80] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Calendar ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[81][82] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[83][84] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Religious literature ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[85][86] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Practical literature ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[87][88] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ History ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[89][90] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Philosophy ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[91][92] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Scientific literature ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[93][94] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.
♠ Fiction ♣ absent ♥ The first written records in the Valley of Oaxaca are from the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE).[95][96] Written records are therefore coded as absent for this period.


Money

♠ Articles ♣ absent ♥ Although exchange of goods will have taken place, sources do not suggest that specific monetary items have been found dating to this period.[97]
♠ Tokens ♣ absent ♥ Although exchange of goods will have taken place, sources do not suggest that specific monetary items have been found dating to this period.[98]
♠ Precious metals ♣ absent ♥ Although exchange of goods will have taken place, sources do not suggest that specific monetary items have been found dating to this period.[99]
♠ Foreign coins ♣ absent ♥ Although exchange of goods will have taken place, sources do not suggest that specific monetary items have been found dating to this period.[100]
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ absent ♥ Although exchange of goods will have taken place, sources do not suggest that specific monetary items have been found dating to this period.[101]
♠ Paper currency ♣ absent ♥ Although exchange of goods will have taken place, sources do not suggest that specific monetary items have been found dating to this period.[102]

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a postal system during this period.[103]
♠ Postal stations ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a postal system during this period.[104]
♠ General postal service ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a postal system during this period.[105]

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams ♥

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[106][107]
♠ Bronze ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[108][109]
♠ Iron ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[110][111]
♠ Steel ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[112][113] Moreover, Hassig lists steel weapons among the new military technologies the Spanish introduced to the region in the sixteenth century[114]

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[115] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Atlatl ♣ inferred present ♥ Present in the valley of Oaxaca since preceramic times (the Proto-Otomangueans) for hunting.[116] However, it does seem to be clear whether they were also used as weapons in warfare.
♠ Slings ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[117] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias. It is also worth noting that Spanish documents record the use of slings at the end of the Monte Alban V period.[118]
♠ Self bow ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[119] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias. It is also worth noting that Spanish documents record the use of bows and arrows at the end of the Monte Alban V period.[120]
♠ Composite bow ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[121] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias. It is also worth noting that Spanish documents record the use of bows and arrows at the end of the Monte Alban V period.[122]
♠ Crossbow ♣ absent ♥ Hassig lists crossbows among the new military technologies the Spanish introduced to the region in the sixteenth century[123]
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ absent ♥
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ absent ♥
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ absent ♥
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ absent ♥

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[124] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Battle axes ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[125] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Daggers ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[126] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Swords ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[127] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Spears ♣ inferred present ♥ Present in the valley of Oaxaca since preceramic times (the Proto-Otomangueans) for hunting.[128] However, it does seem to be clear whether they were also used as weapons in warfare.
♠ Polearms ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[129] However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so the absence of weapons other than the atlatl and spears in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ absent ♥ Hassig lists war dogs among the new military "technologies" the Spanish introduced to the region in the sixteenth century[130]
♠ Donkeys ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Horses ♣ absent ♥ Hassig lists horses among the new military "technologies" the Spanish introduced to the region in the sixteenth century[131]
♠ Camels ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Elephants ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to military technology used in this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[132] However, armour made from wood and cloth has been documented for the later periods, so its absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to military technology used in this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[133] However, armour made from wood and cloth has been documented for the later periods, so its absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Shields ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to military technology used in this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[134] However, armour made from wood and cloth has been documented for the later periods, so its absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Helmets ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to military technology used in this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[135] However, armour made from wood and cloth has been documented for the later periods, so its absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Breastplates ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to military technology used in this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[136] However, armour made from wood and cloth has been documented for the later periods, so its absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Limb protection ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Relative to military technology used in this period, sources only mention the atlatl and spears.[137] However, armour made from wood and cloth has been documented for the later periods, so its absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Chainmail ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[138][139]
♠ Scaled armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[140][141]
♠ Laminar armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[142][143]
♠ Plate armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[144][145]

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ inferred absent ♥ The majority of settlements were located in fertile arable land during this period.[146]
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ present ♥ A defensive palisade was present at San José Mogote during this period, as shown by two rows of post holes. The length of the wall is not known due to later disturbance of the remains.[147]
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades[148] but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
♠ Ditch ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades[149] but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
♠ Moat ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades[150] but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades[151] but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades[152] but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
♠ Fortified camps ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades[153] but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades[154] but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
♠ Long walls ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades[155] but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥ Gunpowder not yet invented.


Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ Greine Jordan ♥ with additions from phase I sheet

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ inferred absent ♥ "The San Jose Phase, often thought to represent the chiefdom stage of a developmental sequence, does not appear to us to have all the requisite features of such a stage. We have interpreted the organizing structure of society as consisting of a moiety system and public ritual, rather the organizing structure of society as consisting of a moiety system and public ritual, rather than a chiefdom based on ranked descent groups. Wealth differences between households are evident in some aspects of material culture. So are individual status distinctions, some but not all of which may have been hereditary. There was widespread interaction and exchange involving exotic goods in which some households evidently participated more than others. But this is a long way from saying that political rule was in the hands of a hereditary elite - a chiefdom."[156] there is no evidence for a government during this period...There were public buildings and evidence for group organisation (for construction of public buildings and ritual platforms at San José Mogote) but no evidence for governmental organisation.[157][158] . There is very limited evidence for social stratification and centralisation of settlements at San José Mogote. Some neighbouring smaller settlements may have been influenced by people at San José Mogote, as suggested by the importing of limestone and travertine from up to 5km away, but there is otherwise little evidence for a unified polity.[159] Residents at San José Mogote were the most numerous and hierarchically complex in the valley at this time, but relations with other settlements may only have extended as far as some smaller neighbouring ones for the purposes of importing limestone and travertine for construction at San José Mogote.[160]
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ suspected unknown ♥ "The San Jose Phase, often thought to represent the chiefdom stage of a developmental sequence, does not appear to us to have all the requisite features of such a stage. We have interpreted the organizing structure of society as consisting of a moiety system and public ritual, rather the organizing structure of society as consisting of a moiety system and public ritual, rather than a chiefdom based on ranked descent groups. Wealth differences between households are evident in some aspects of material culture. So are individual status distinctions, some but not all of which may have been hereditary. There was widespread interaction and exchange involving exotic goods in which some households evidently participated more than others. But this is a long way from saying that political rule was in the hands of a hereditary elite - a chiefdom."[161] There is very limited evidence for social stratification and centralisation of settlements at San José Mogote. Some neighbouring smaller settlements may have been influenced by people at San José Mogote, as suggested by the importing of limestone and travertine from up to 5km away, but there is otherwise little evidence for a unified polity.[162] Residents at San José Mogote were the most numerous and hierarchically complex in the valley at this time, but relations with other settlements may only have extended as far as some smaller neighbouring ones for the purposes of importing limestone and travertine for construction at San José Mogote.[163]
♠ Impeachment ♣ suspected unknown ♥ "The San Jose Phase, often thought to represent the chiefdom stage of a developmental sequence, does not appear to us to have all the requisite features of such a stage. We have interpreted the organizing structure of society as consisting of a moiety system and public ritual, rather the organizing structure of society as consisting of a moiety system and public ritual, rather than a chiefdom based on ranked descent groups. Wealth differences between households are evident in some aspects of material culture. So are individual status distinctions, some but not all of which may have been hereditary. There was widespread interaction and exchange involving exotic goods in which some households evidently participated more than others. But this is a long way from saying that political rule was in the hands of a hereditary elite - a chiefdom."[164] There is very limited evidence for social stratification and centralisation of settlements at San José Mogote. Some neighbouring smaller settlements may have been influenced by people at San José Mogote, as suggested by the importing of limestone and travertine from up to 5km away, but there is otherwise little evidence for a unified polity.[165] Residents at San José Mogote were the most numerous and hierarchically complex in the valley at this time, but relations with other settlements may only have extended as far as some smaller neighbouring ones for the purposes of importing limestone and travertine for construction at San José Mogote.[166]

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ inferred absent ♥ ‘There maybe evidence of descent reckoning in the Valley of Oaxaca of 1000 B.C. At San José Mogote and several other excavated communities, carved pottery depicts two distinct symbolic patterns, one stylistically representing lightning or sky (the fire-serpent) and the other earth (portrayed as "earthquake") (Flannery and Marcus 1994:136-39; Marcus 1989). That this pottery may refer to male descent groups is indicated by the fact that only males (including children) are buried with the carved imagery. Further, these decorated pots symbolize spatially distinct social groupings. Some whole communities are associated with either sky or earth; at San José Mogote the community was partitioned into two areas, one sky and the other earth (Pyne 1976). In addition, as Marcus and Flannery (1996:105) remind us, children's burials in some cases include high-status items, and this may indicate that status was conferred by descent-group membership (ascribed) rather than achieved. Although many anthropologists correctly link the emergence of chiefdoms to the hereditary ranking of descent groups, we doubt that hereditary ranking or a chiefdom (in Service's sense) was present in the Valley of Oaxaca at 1000 B.C. Because a funeral may reflect the status of a deceased person's household as much as that of the person himself or herself (see, e.g., Cannon 1989), we cannot assume that an elaborate child's burial reflects ascribed status. Another discrepancy that we see in the data of 1000 B.C. relates to the nature of craft production and other economic activities of households at San José Mogote. In many chiefdoms known ethnographically elite households frequently are exempt from any direct involvement in production, depending instead on tribute from other households and their control of the labor of craft specialists (e.g., Earle 1987; Helms 1979:14, 15). At San José Mogote, however, high-status households were involved in the normal range of subsistence activities. Their storage pits and food preparation facilities and implements are similar to those of lower-ranking households, and they may in fact have processed exotic goods more than their lower-ranked contemporaries.’ [167] From Phase I: While there is no evidence for distinct social classes, burial goods and a range of larger residences suggest that some individuals were more highly ranked within the community than others[168] [169] It has also been argued that there may be evidence for hereditary social rank, based on the cranial deformation of some individuals, although these individuals were not buried with rich goods and so cannot be directly linked with chiefly status within the community. It is possible that individuals were more likely to have a higher status given their parentage, but that status was still determined based on achievements during an individual’s lifetime.[170]

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni ♥

Deification of Rulers

(‘gods’ is a shorthand for ‘supernatural agents’)

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ inferred absent ♥ "While some individuals might be buried with only one jade bead in the mouth, others had up to three beads and two jade earspools. In a cemetery at Tomaltepec in the Valley of Oaxaca, Michael Whalen (1981) recovered almost 80 San José phase primary and secondary burials. Most primary burials were fully extended face down, but one group of six adult males stood out as different because they were tightly flexed in a kneeling position (Fig. 4). Although representing only 12.7 percent of the cemetery, these six males received 88 percent of the jade beads, 50 percent of the vessels with carved Sky or Lightning motifs, and 66 percent of the stone slab grave coverings in the cemetery.//Finally, both men and women of high status often had their heads artificially deformed. Since this procedure must be done while the individual is a child, the right to deformation must have been inherited rather than achieved." [171] "During the subsequent San José phase, differential treatment of men be- comes more striking.At this time we see the first depictions of Sky/Lightning and Earth/Earthquake carved or incised on the ceramics of the region (Figs. 6-8; see also Flannery and Marcus 1994: 135-286). When such vessels were placed with burials of individuals old enough to have their gender identified, they occur only with men.Vessels with Lightning or Earthquake motifs are also found with infants too young to have their gender determined; we assume that these are males, since other infants were buried with miniature versions of the pottery typically found with adult women." [172]

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥ "While some individuals might be buried with only one jade bead in the mouth, others had up to three beads and two jade earspools. In a cemetery at Tomaltepec in the Valley of Oaxaca, Michael Whalen (1981) recovered almost 80 San José phase primary and secondary burials. Most primary burials were fully extended face down, but one group of six adult males stood out as different because they were tightly flexed in a kneeling position (Fig. 4). Although representing only 12.7 percent of the cemetery, these six males received 88 percent of the jade beads, 50 percent of the vessels with carved Sky or Lightning motifs, and 66 percent of the stone slab grave coverings in the cemetery.//Finally, both men and women of high status often had their heads artificially deformed. Since this procedure must be done while the individual is a child, the right to deformation must have been inherited rather than achieved." [173]
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥ "While some individuals might be buried with only one jade bead in the mouth, others had up to three beads and two jade earspools. In a cemetery at Tomaltepec in the Valley of Oaxaca, Michael Whalen (1981) recovered almost 80 San José phase primary and secondary burials. Most primary burials were fully extended face down, but one group of six adult males stood out as different because they were tightly flexed in a kneeling position (Fig. 4). Although representing only 12.7 percent of the cemetery, these six males received 88 percent of the jade beads, 50 percent of the vessels with carved Sky or Lightning motifs, and 66 percent of the stone slab grave coverings in the cemetery.//Finally, both men and women of high status often had their heads artificially deformed. Since this procedure must be done while the individual is a child, the right to deformation must have been inherited rather than achieved." [174]

♠ Ideology reinforces prosociality ♣ inferred present ♥ "My view is that by 700 bc life in Mixtec and Zapotec communities was far more heterogenous than it had been at the beginning of the Early Formative. Social identities were increasingly differentiated by affiliations linked to crafting, long-distance contacts, wealth, and status. People were also forging community identities inscribed in public buildings and communal cemeteries. The evidence suggests that practices of affiliation such as large-scale construction projects and communal rituals were corporate endeavors and not under the direction of a centralized authority. These projects resulted from negotiations among households and corporate groups with relatively modest differences in wealth, power, and status. Some prominent people and households may have had more influence in communal decision-making, but the cultural ethos was linked to family and increasingly to community." [175] "The most elaborate early San José-phase building exposed by Whalen was Structure 11[...]. A dense refuse deposit excavated within the cell included unusually high concentrations of deer and rabbit bone, and stone and bone butchery tools. Lithics included over 50 percent of the total Early Formative obsidian recovered at the site as well as a variety of ground-stone tools. The archaeologists recovered large quantities of charcoal, mostly pine, and the remains of maize, teosinte seeds, and avocado pits. Pottery included a much higher proportion of serving vessels than in typical houses. Researchers have struggled with whether to interpret these structures as public buildings or high-status houses (Flannery & Marcus 1994:362; Whalen 1981). I agree with Flannery and Marcus (1994:362) that the evidence leans toward public buildings. The large storage features and high volume of domestic refuse probably resulted from ritual feasting, rather than normal domestic activities. Given the small size of Tomaltepec, it is likely that feasts associated with Structure 11 would have involved the entire community, while those associated with Structure 16 at San José Mogote may have been limited to the Area A barrio." [176]

♠ production of public goods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ inferred absent ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [177] [178] [179]

References

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  123. ↑ (Hassig 1992, 143) Hassig, Robert. 1992. War and Society in Ancient Mesoamerica. London; Berkeley: University of California Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/F76EVNU3/itemKey/E9VHCKDG
  124. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  125. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  126. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  127. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  128. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York., p36
  129. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  130. ↑ (Hassig 1992, 143) Hassig, Robert. 1992. War and Society in Ancient Mesoamerica. London; Berkeley: University of California Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/F76EVNU3/itemKey/E9VHCKDG
  131. ↑ (Hassig 1992, 143) Hassig, Robert. 1992. War and Society in Ancient Mesoamerica. London; Berkeley: University of California Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/F76EVNU3/itemKey/E9VHCKDG
  132. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  133. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  134. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  135. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  136. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  137. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  138. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  139. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  140. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  141. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  142. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  143. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  144. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  145. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  146. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  147. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p102
  148. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p102
  149. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p102
  150. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p102
  151. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p102
  152. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p102
  153. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p102
  154. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p102
  155. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p102
  156. ↑ Blanton, Richard. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. p.130
  157. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p106
  158. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York.
  159. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p11
  160. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p11
  161. ↑ Blanton, Richard. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. p.130
  162. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p11
  163. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p11
  164. ↑ Blanton, Richard. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. p.130
  165. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p11
  166. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p11
  167. ↑ Blanton, Richard. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. p.38
  168. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p50-55
  169. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p11
  170. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p106
  171. ↑ Marcus, J. 1999. Men’s andWomen’s Ritual in Formative Oaxaca. In Grove, D.C. and R.A. Joyce (eds) Social Patterns in Pre-Classic Mesoamerica pp. 67-96. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks.
  172. ↑ Marcus, J. 1999. Men’s andWomen’s Ritual in Formative Oaxaca. In Grove, D.C. and R.A. Joyce (eds) Social Patterns in Pre-Classic Mesoamerica pp. 67-96. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks.
  173. ↑ Marcus, J. 1999. Men’s andWomen’s Ritual in Formative Oaxaca. In Grove, D.C. and R.A. Joyce (eds) Social Patterns in Pre-Classic Mesoamerica pp. 67-96. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks.
  174. ↑ Marcus, J. 1999. Men’s andWomen’s Ritual in Formative Oaxaca. In Grove, D.C. and R.A. Joyce (eds) Social Patterns in Pre-Classic Mesoamerica pp. 67-96. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks.
  175. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico pp. 116-117. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  176. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico p. 99. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  177. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-acknowledgements.html
  178. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-narratives.html
  179. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-nga_tables.html
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