MxRosar

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Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams; Gréine Jordan ♥ Majority of work carried out by Alice Williams; Gréine Jordan wrote general description and edited some of Williams's work.

♠ Original name ♣ Rosario ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ Middle Preclassic; Middle Formative ♥

♠ Peak Date ♣ ♥


Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 700-500 BCE ♥ This phase is defined by the appearance of a new ceramic style (Rosario ceramics) in 700 BCE, and ends with the founding of the new settlement Monte Albán in the central region of the valley. The chiefdoms during this period are also more complex than in the preceding San José and Guadalupe phases.[1][2]

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ quasi-polity ♥ The largest of the three chiefdoms in the valley at this time was in the Etla arm and consisted of 18-20 villages focused around the central settlement (San José Mogote).[3] It is assumed that this network of settlements formed a complex chiefdom because of their proximity and hierarchy in relation to San José Mogote (the largest settlement). It is unlikely that there were alliances between the three chiefdoms based on evidence for violence and inter-village raiding between the three arms of the valley.[4]

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ none ♥ The three chiefdoms were separate entities with no evidence for supra-polity relations.[5]

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ MxSanGu ♥
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ continuity ♥ The highest density of population continued to be in the Etla arm, with San José Mogote as the central settlement. The other arms of the valley, which were previously occupied, increased in population density and formed chiefdoms.[6]
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ MxAlb1E ♥
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ Middle Formative ♥
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ [100-200] ♥ km squared. Similar pottery styles and symbols of prestige were shared between the Valley of Oaxaca and neighbouring Tehuacan Valley during this period, suggesting some interaction or cultural "system" which extended the distance between the valleys.[7]

♠ Capital ♣ San José Mogote ♥ San José Mogote was the largest site in the valley at this time, and may have been the central site of the chiefdom in the Etla arm.[8] Other smaller chiefly centers were Yegüih (in the eastern arm) and San Martin Tilcajete (in the southern arm).[9][10]

♠ Language ♣ ♥ There are no written records from this phase, but later evidence shows that people in the valley spoke Zapotec, possibly from the succeeding San José Mogote phase, and the Otomanguean language families may have split before the start of this period.[11]

General Description

During the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE), the settlement of San José Mogote continued to be the largest settlement in the Valley of Oaxaca. However, other settlements rose to challenge its primacy: Huitzo (at the extreme northern end of the Etla arm), Tilcajete (in the Valle Grande), and Yegüih (in the Tlacolula arm), each the centre of a cluster of smaller settlements.[12] There is evidence for increased inter-settlement conflict and social differentiation within communities.[13] Burnt remains of buildings have been found at Rosario phase sites, which, along with evidence for fortifications and the extensive unoccupied 'buffer zone' of 80 square kilometres between the polities, suggest inter-settlement raids and hostility at this time.[14]

Population and political organization

While there is evidence of an emerging elite during this period, the nature of leadership and political organization remains unclear.[15] Labour was organized for the construction of large public structures and elaborate tombs. However, the types of buildings constructed led archaeologists Kent Flannery and Joyce Marcus to suggest that elites could not yet draw on labour and resources solely for their own personal gain.[16][17] The first evidence of monumental art, calendars, writing and human sacrifice in the Valley of Oaxaca dates to this period.[18] Population estimates for the three polities in the valley at this time range from 1000 to 2000 people; the largest population was concentrated in the northern arm, with San José Mogote as the primary centre.[19][20]

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ [50-500] ♥ squared kilometers. "Where survey data are available, the political territory of these centers is known to range from 50 to 500 km2.”[21]

♠ Polity Population ♣ [1000-2000] ♥ People. Population estimates for the three chiefdoms in the valley at this time range from 1000-2000 people, with the largest population concentrated in the northern arm with San José Mogote as the primary center.[22][23] "The population of the Valley of Oaxaca did not grow appreciably throughout the Middle Formative period (ca. 850-500 BC)."[24] "Table 11.3. Population in the largest centers, by phase, in Oaxaca and Ejutla."[25] Valley of Oaxaca population (Largest center in Oaxaca): Tierras Largas: 327 (128); San Jose: 1942 (1384); Guadalupe: 1788 (774); Rosario: 1835 (564); Early I: 14652 (5250); Late I: 51339 (17242); Monte Alban II: 41927 (14492); Monte Alban IIIA: 120121 (16507); Monte Alban IIIB: 78930 (24189); Monte Alban IV: 77612 (16117); Monte Alban V: 166467 (13831).[26]

♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ 1000 ♥ Inhabitants. Estimated population at San José Mogote is around 1000 people (60-65ha).[27][28] "The population of the Valley of Oaxaca did not grow appreciably throughout the Middle Formative period (ca. 850-500 BC). San Jose Mogote decreased in size but still remained the region's largest settlement with the most elaborate monumental construction."[29] "Table 11.3. Population in the largest centers, by phase, in Oaxaca and Ejutla."[30] Valley of Oaxaca population (Largest center in Oaxaca): Rosario: 1835 (564).[31]

Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ 3 ♥ levels. The settlement hierarchy is based on the size of settlements and the presence or absence of public buildings.[32]

1. Primary center

In addition to San Jose Mogote, in this period "several smaller centers with public architecture were established in the other arms of the valley", e.g. Yeguih, Tilcajete, Tlapacoyan.[33] P
Yeguih and Tilcajete have also been called primary centers (San José Mogote, Yegüih, San Martin Tilcajete)35-60ha[34].
San Jose Mogote had large public buildings, including Structures 28 (a temple) and 19 (a platform for the temple and other buildings).[35]
2. Smaller centers
"This basic settlement patterna dominant center surrounded by a cluster of smaller settlements and lower densities of population at greater distances from the center"[36]
Secondary centres (e.g. Huitzo, Tomaltepec, El Mogote)El Mogote was 25ha[37] and these sites had their own public buildings (such as the 3m high adobe structure at Tomaltepec)[38]
3. Satellite settlements of the smaller centers
"Clusters of settlements were established around these new centers, which may have been the head towns of small, spatially discrete polities that had variable degrees of autonomy from San Jose Mogote (Blanton et al., 1999, pp. 43-44)."[39]
Villages (e.g. Fábrica San José, San Sebastián Abasolo, Tierras Largas).95-3ha[40]

♠ Administrative levels ♣ [1-2] ♥ levels. Possibly two could be inferred, based on the number of levels in the settlement hierarchy and the logistics required to import large limestone blocks for public buildings at San José Mogote (particularly Structure 19 which was possibly the largest and measured roughly 22x28m in extent). The stone came from a quarry at Rancho Matadamas which was 5km from San José Mogote.[41][42] This division may, however, be incorrect as it should not be assumed that the settlement hierarchy corresponds with the administrative hierarchy for this period (the sites may have been competing with each other rather than in dominant or subordinate administrative positions).[43]

1. Main administrative centre, corresponding with primary centres of the settlement hierarchy (e.g. San José Mogote)

2. Secondary administrative centres, corresponding with other smaller settlements with evidence for public architecture

♠ Religious levels ♣ 1 ♥ level. sources do not suggest there is evidence for standardised religion during this period (standardised temples with private sacred rooms appear in later periods). A primary centre, San José Mogote, had two structures (19 and 28) which may have supported a temple, as well as a circular platform (structure 31). Smaller platform constructions were present at secondary centres, although the religious connection with the larger centres is not clear.[44]

♠ Military levels ♣ 1 ♥ levels. At least one level of military organisation is inferred, based on evidence for inter-village raiding.[45] The raids would have been small scale, and military leadership is unlikely to have been a permanent position.

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ absent ♥ Warfare consisted of small-scale raiding during this period, and sources do not suggest there is evidence for professional military officers or soldiers.[46][47]

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ absent ♥ Warfare consisted of small-scale raiding during this period, and sources do not suggest there is evidence for professional military officers or soldiers.[48][49]

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ suspected unknown ♥ There is evidence for temples at primary and secondary settlements in the Etla arm of the valley.[50] Unclear whether priests were professional.

Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for full-time bureaucrats during this period.[51]

♠ Examination system ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for full-time bureaucrats during this period.[52]

♠ Merit promotion ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for full-time bureaucrats during this period.[53]

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ absent ♥ The largest buildings constructed during this period were used as temples and elite residences rather than for specific governmental purposes.[54]

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ absent ♥ A formal legal code is assumed absent as the only evidence for writing during this period is from the carved stone slab (Monument 3) at San José Mogote.[55]

♠ Judges ♣ inferred absent ♥ A formal legal system, as associated buildings and lawyers, is assumed absent as the only evidence for writing during this period is from the carved stone slab (Monument 3) at San José Mogote[56] and the largest buildings were used as temples and elite residences.[57]

♠ Courts ♣ inferred absent ♥ A formal legal system, as associated buildings and lawyers, is assumed absent as the only evidence for writing during this period is from the carved stone slab (Monument 3) at San José Mogote[58] and the largest buildings were used as temples and elite residences.[59]

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ inferred absent ♥ A formal legal system, as associated buildings and lawyers, is assumed absent as the only evidence for writing during this period is from the carved stone slab (Monument 3) at San José Mogote[60] and the largest buildings were used as temples and elite residences.[61]

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ absent ♥ There is very little evidence for irrigation systems during this period. Most settlements were located on the high alluvium and so would not have needed irrigation to supply the crops (only in later periods, when settlements were established on the piedmont, did irrigation become more prevalent).[62][63][64]
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ ♥
♠ markets ♣ absent ♥ There is very little evidence to suggest the presence of any market system before the establishment of Monte Alban.[65]
♠ food storage sites ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for polity-owned storage sites during this period.[66]

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for the construction of roads during this period.[67] Gary Feinman[68] told us that "Between sites there are known 16th century trails, which were likely used for a long, long time. [..] they likely were not paved, but there were no beasts of burden." However, we do not count paths and trails not constructed deliberately as roads.
♠ Bridges ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for the construction of bridges during this period.[69]
♠ Canals ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for the construction of canals during this period (although some small scale irrigation practices may have been used).[70]
♠ Ports ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ absent ♥ Sources only describe residential sites.[71]

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources do not suggest that evidence for writing other than carved glyphs has been found.[72]
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Written records ♣ present ♥ Glyphs on a stone slab (Monument 3) may refer to the name of the captive depicted there and calendric dates.[73][74] Mesoamerican civilizations, including the Maya, Aztec, Mixtec and Zapotec all possessed "a true form of writing: a series of hieroglyphs arranged in vertical columns and in many instances combined with numerals. The glyphs were at least indirectly related to a spoken language." Zapotec and Mixtec belong to the Otomanguean language family while the Aztec and and Maya belong to the Utoaztecan and Macro-Mayan, respectively. Zapotec writing system is considered the oldest (from c600 BCE). Zapotec inscriptions are considered true writing, since the inscriptions had verbs.[75]
♠ Script ♣ present ♥ Glyphs.[76]
♠ Non-phonetic writing ♣ present ♥ Glyphs.[77]
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs.[78]

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[79][80]
♠ Calendar ♣ present ♥ Glyphs carved onto Monument 3 at San Jose Mogote refer to the 260-day ritual calendar, based on analogy with later periods.[81][82]
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[83][84]
♠ Religious literature ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[85][86]
♠ Practical literature ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[87][88]
♠ History ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[89][90]
♠ Philosophy ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[91][92]
♠ Scientific literature ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[93][94]
♠ Fiction ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[95][96]


Money

♠ Articles ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[97]
♠ Tokens ♣ ♥ unknown. Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[98]
♠ Precious metals ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[99]
♠ Foreign coins ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[100]
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[101]
♠ Paper currency ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[102]

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a postal system during this period. [103]
♠ Postal stations ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a postal system during this period. [104]
♠ General postal service ♣ inferred absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a postal system during this period. [105]

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams ♥

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[106][107]
♠ Bronze ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[108][109]
♠ Iron ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[110][111]
♠ Steel ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[112][113]

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[114] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include javelins. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Atlatl ♣ present ♥ Present in the valley of Oaxaca since preceramic times (the Proto-Otomangueans) for hunting.[115] and obsidian blades were found in Tomb 10 at San José Mogote which may have been hafted into atlatl darts.[116] In addition, glyphs depicting what may be atlatls or spearthrowers have been carved with the danzantes at San Jose Mogote.[117]
♠ Slings ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[118] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include slings. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias. Moreover, Spanish documents record the use of slings at the end of the Monte Alban V period.[119]
♠ Self bow ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[120] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include bows of any kind. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias. Moreover, Spanish documents record the use of bows and arrows at the end of the Monte Alban V period.[121]
♠ Composite bow ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[122] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include bows of any kind. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias. Moreover, Spanish documents record the use of bows and arrows at the end of the Monte Alban V period.[123]
♠ Crossbow ♣ absent ♥ Hassig lists crossbows among the new military technologies the Spanish introduced to the region in the sixteenth century[124]
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ absent ♥
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ absent ♥
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ absent ♥
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ absent ♥

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[125] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include clubs. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Battle axes ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[126] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include axes. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Daggers ♣ present ♥ Obsidian-edged wooden swords and daggers are inferred present based the presence of obsidian blades in the valley.[127]
♠ Swords ♣ present ♥ Obsidian-edged wooden swords and daggers are inferred present based the presence of obsidian blades in the valley.[128]
♠ Spears ♣ inferred present ♥ Present in the valley of Oaxaca since preceramic times (the Proto-Otomangueans) for hunting.[129] However, it does seem to be clear whether they were also used as weapons in warfare.
♠ Polearms ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[130] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include polearms. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ absent ♥ Hassig lists war dogs among the new military "technologies" the Spanish introduced to the region in the sixteenth century[131]
♠ Donkeys ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Horses ♣ absent ♥ Hassig lists horses among the new military "technologies" the Spanish introduced to the region in the sixteenth century[132]
♠ Camels ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Elephants ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[133] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[134] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Shields ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[135] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Helmets ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[136] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Breastplates ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[137] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Limb protection ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[138] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Chainmail ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[139][140]
♠ Scaled armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[141][142]
♠ Laminar armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[143][144]
♠ Plate armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[145][146]

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ present ♥ Settlements were primarily situated in fertile agricultural land during this period, although a few settlements were located on hilltops.[147]
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[148] do not mention any archaeological evidence for fortification for this period.
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[149] do not mention any archaeological evidence for fortification for this period.
♠ Ditch ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[150] do not mention any archaeological evidence for fortification for this period.
♠ Moat ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[151] do not mention any archaeological evidence for fortification for this period.
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[152] do not mention any archaeological evidence for fortification for this period.
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[153] do not mention any archaeological evidence for fortification for this period.
♠ Fortified camps ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[154] do not mention any archaeological evidence for fortification for this period.
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[155] do not mention any archaeological evidence for fortification for this period.
♠ Long walls ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[156] do not mention any archaeological evidence for fortification for this period.
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥ Gunpowder not yet invented.


Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ Gréine Jordan ♥

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ suspected unknown ♥ While there is evidence of an emerging elite the nature of leadership is still unclear. From Ritual: '"Despite the emergence of hereditary nobles, it is likely that the construction of monumental buildings, the enactment of public ceremonies like human sacrifice, and the pursuit of warfare were probably still seen in communal terms. Given that hereditary inequality emerged out of a more communal and less hierarchical discourse, it is reasonable to assume that the power of nobles was dependent on their being seen as acting on the behalf of their communities. These early nobles undoubtedly had ritual and political obligations to their communities like Zapotec and Mixtec rulers at the time of the Spanish Conquest. It is likely that nobles earned the allegiance of commoners through the sponsoring of public ceremonies, including ritual feasting, as well as through success in warfare and perhaps the gifting of certain luxury goods. Nobles deployed human sacrifice as another way to maintain allegiance since it was the most potent way in which the sacred covenant could be activated to petition deities for fertility and prosperity on behalf of the community. Given the physical setting of Monument 3, the audience for these sacrifices was probably restricted, much like the setting of Middle Formative iconography dealing with human sacrifice in other parts of Mesoamerica (A. Joyce 2008b). By taking captives and offering them as sacrifices to the gods, nobles at San José Mogote demonstrated their ritual and political power as well as generosity to their communities. Human sacrifice was also a dramatic ritual performance in both its sacred and its violent qualities that would have bound people to the deities, ancestors, and other symbols of the community on whose behalf the sacrifice was realized." [157]
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ suspected unknown ♥ While there is evidence of an emerging elite the nature of leadership is still unclear. From Ritual: '"Despite the emergence of hereditary nobles, it is likely that the construction of monumental buildings, the enactment of public ceremonies like human sacrifice, and the pursuit of warfare were probably still seen in communal terms. Given that hereditary inequality emerged out of a more communal and less hierarchical discourse, it is reasonable to assume that the power of nobles was dependent on their being seen as acting on the behalf of their communities. These early nobles undoubtedly had ritual and political obligations to their communities like Zapotec and Mixtec rulers at the time of the Spanish Conquest. It is likely that nobles earned the allegiance of commoners through the sponsoring of public ceremonies, including ritual feasting, as well as through success in warfare and perhaps the gifting of certain luxury goods. Nobles deployed human sacrifice as another way to maintain allegiance since it was the most potent way in which the sacred covenant could be activated to petition deities for fertility and prosperity on behalf of the community. Given the physical setting of Monument 3, the audience for these sacrifices was probably restricted, much like the setting of Middle Formative iconography dealing with human sacrifice in other parts of Mesoamerica (A. Joyce 2008b). By taking captives and offering them as sacrifices to the gods, nobles at San José Mogote demonstrated their ritual and political power as well as generosity to their communities. Human sacrifice was also a dramatic ritual performance in both its sacred and its violent qualities that would have bound people to the deities, ancestors, and other symbols of the community on whose behalf the sacrifice was realized." [158]
♠ Impeachment ♣ suspected unknown ♥ While there is evidence of an emerging elite the nature of leadership is still unclear. From Ritual: '"Despite the emergence of hereditary nobles, it is likely that the construction of monumental buildings, the enactment of public ceremonies like human sacrifice, and the pursuit of warfare were probably still seen in communal terms. Given that hereditary inequality emerged out of a more communal and less hierarchical discourse, it is reasonable to assume that the power of nobles was dependent on their being seen as acting on the behalf of their communities. These early nobles undoubtedly had ritual and political obligations to their communities like Zapotec and Mixtec rulers at the time of the Spanish Conquest. It is likely that nobles earned the allegiance of commoners through the sponsoring of public ceremonies, including ritual feasting, as well as through success in warfare and perhaps the gifting of certain luxury goods. Nobles deployed human sacrifice as another way to maintain allegiance since it was the most potent way in which the sacred covenant could be activated to petition deities for fertility and prosperity on behalf of the community. Given the physical setting of Monument 3, the audience for these sacrifices was probably restricted, much like the setting of Middle Formative iconography dealing with human sacrifice in other parts of Mesoamerica (A. Joyce 2008b). By taking captives and offering them as sacrifices to the gods, nobles at San José Mogote demonstrated their ritual and political power as well as generosity to their communities. Human sacrifice was also a dramatic ritual performance in both its sacred and its violent qualities that would have bound people to the deities, ancestors, and other symbols of the community on whose behalf the sacrifice was realized." [159]

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ inferred present ♥ ‘The brazier and tomb still do not constitute definitive evidence of a system of ranked descent groups, but they do suggest that by the Rosario phase there may have been more use of a rhetoric that claimed a connection between wealth, status, power, and ancestors. The use of the term "chiefdom" might be appropriate for this social formation, with the proviso that we still cannot be sure that ranked descent groups were part of the social matrix.’ [160] From Ritual: '"Despite the emergence of hereditary nobles, it is likely that the construction of monumental buildings, the enactment of public ceremonies like human sacrifice, and the pursuit of warfare were probably still seen in communal terms. Given that hereditary inequality emerged out of a more communal and less hierarchical discourse, it is reasonable to assume that the power of nobles was dependent on their being seen as acting on the behalf of their communities. These early nobles undoubtedly had ritual and political obligations to their communities like Zapotec and Mixtec rulers at the time of the Spanish Conquest. It is likely that nobles earned the allegiance of commoners through the sponsoring of public ceremonies, including ritual feasting, as well as through success in warfare and perhaps the gifting of certain luxury goods. Nobles deployed human sacrifice as another way to maintain allegiance since it was the most potent way in which the sacred covenant could be activated to petition deities for fertility and prosperity on behalf of the community. Given the physical setting of Monument 3, the audience for these sacrifices was probably restricted, much like the setting of Middle Formative iconography dealing with human sacrifice in other parts of Mesoamerica (A. Joyce 2008b). By taking captives and offering them as sacrifices to the gods, nobles at San José Mogote demonstrated their ritual and political power as well as generosity to their communities. Human sacrifice was also a dramatic ritual performance in both its sacred and its violent qualities that would have bound people to the deities, ancestors, and other symbols of the community on whose behalf the sacrifice was realized." [161] From Ritul: Cranial deformation - high status infants with cranial deformation found, children were either strapped to a fixed occipital board with a board on the forehead (tabular) or had a band tied tight around their head (anular). Tabluar deformation was the most common in the graves and could occur to male and female. One girl had annular deformation, possibly from another tribe, she was also buried atypically. [162]

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni ♥

Deification of Rulers

(‘gods’ is a shorthand for ‘supernatural agents’)

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ inferred present ♥ "Evidence from Mound 1 at San José Mogote indicates a major change in political discourse by the latter half of the Rosario phase, including the emergence of the first hereditary nobles in the Valley of Oaxaca. An important component of an emerging noble identity was the belief in their special ritual abilities that made them mediators between people and the sacred. The construction of high-status residences on Mound 1 transformed the structure from an area strictly for public ceremonial activities to an area combining public politico-religious buildings and elite residences in a distinct precinct. For the first time in Oaxaca a high-status residence was spatially and symbolically segregated from the rest of the community and incorporated into the ceremonial center. On a daily basis, people would have been constantly reminded of the sacred power of the ruling family as they viewed the inhabitants of Mound 1 from residential sectors of the site below. The linkage of noble status and divine authority would have been inscribed architecturally in Mound 1 by the close spatial association of the temples and the high-status residence." [163]

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ inferred absent ♥ "Evidence from Mound 1 at San José Mogote indicates a major change in political discourse by the latter half of the Rosario phase, including the emergence of the first hereditary nobles in the Valley of Oaxaca. An important component of an emerging noble identity was the belief in their special ritual abilities that made them mediators between people and the sacred. The construction of high-status residences on Mound 1 transformed the structure from an area strictly for public ceremonial activities to an area combining public politico-religious buildings and elite residences in a distinct precinct. For the first time in Oaxaca a high-status residence was spatially and symbolically segregated from the rest of the community and incorporated into the ceremonial center. On a daily basis, people would have been constantly reminded of the sacred power of the ruling family as they viewed the inhabitants of Mound 1 from residential sectors of the site below. The linkage of noble status and divine authority would have been inscribed architecturally in Mound 1 by the close spatial association of the temples and the high-status residence." [164]

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥ "Evidence from Mound 1 at San José Mogote indicates a major change in political discourse by the latter half of the Rosario phase, including the emergence of the first hereditary nobles in the Valley of Oaxaca. An important component of an emerging noble identity was the belief in their special ritual abilities that made them mediators between people and the sacred. The construction of high-status residences on Mound 1 transformed the structure from an area strictly for public ceremonial activities to an area combining public politico-religious buildings and elite residences in a distinct precinct. For the first time in Oaxaca a high-status residence was spatially and symbolically segregated from the rest of the community and incorporated into the ceremonial center. On a daily basis, people would have been constantly reminded of the sacred power of the ruling family as they viewed the inhabitants of Mound 1 from residential sectors of the site below. The linkage of noble status and divine authority would have been inscribed architecturally in Mound 1 by the close spatial association of the temples and the high-status residence." [165]
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Ideology reinforces prosociality ♣ inferred present ♥ "Given that hereditary inequality emerged out of a more communal and less hierarchical discourse, it is reasonable to assume that the power of nobles was dependent on their being seen as acting on the behalf of their communities. These early nobles undoubtedly had ritual and political obligations to their communities like Zapotec and Mixtec rulers at the time of the Spanish Conquest. It is likely that nobles earned the allegiance of commoners through the sponsoring of public ceremonies, including ritual feasting, as well as through success in warfare and perhaps the gifting of certain luxury goods." [166]

♠ production of public goods ♣ inferred present ♥ "Given that hereditary inequality emerged out of a more communal and less hierarchical discourse, it is reasonable to assume that the power of nobles was dependent on their being seen as acting on the behalf of their communities. These early nobles undoubtedly had ritual and political obligations to their communities like Zapotec and Mixtec rulers at the time of the Spanish Conquest. It is likely that nobles earned the allegiance of commoners through the sponsoring of public ceremonies, including ritual feasting, as well as through success in warfare and perhaps the gifting of certain luxury goods." [167]

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ inferred absent ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [168] [169] [170]

References

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  113. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  114. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  115. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p36
  116. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p133
  117. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. p153
  118. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  119. ↑ Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People. New York. p217-8
  120. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  121. ↑ Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People. New York. p217-8
  122. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  123. ↑ Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People. New York. p217-8
  124. ↑ (Hassig 1992, 143) Hassig, Robert. 1992. War and Society in Ancient Mesoamerica. London; Berkeley: University of California Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/F76EVNU3/itemKey/E9VHCKDG
  125. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  126. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  127. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  128. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  129. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York., p36
  130. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  131. ↑ (Hassig 1992, 143) Hassig, Robert. 1992. War and Society in Ancient Mesoamerica. London; Berkeley: University of California Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/F76EVNU3/itemKey/E9VHCKDG
  132. ↑ (Hassig 1992, 143) Hassig, Robert. 1992. War and Society in Ancient Mesoamerica. London; Berkeley: University of California Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/F76EVNU3/itemKey/E9VHCKDG
  133. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  134. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  135. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  136. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  137. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  138. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  139. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  140. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  141. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  142. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  143. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  144. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  145. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  146. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  147. ↑ Nicholas, L. M (1989) Land use in prehispanic Oaxaca. In, Kowalewski, S. A., Feiman, G.M., Finsten, L., Blanton, R. E. and Nicholas, L. M. Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: the prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacoula, Etla and Ocotlán, the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor: 449-505; Kowalewski, S. A., Feiman, G.M., Finsten, L., Blanton, R. E. and Nicholas, L. M. Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: the prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacoula, Etla and Ocotlán, the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor
  148. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  149. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  150. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  151. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  152. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  153. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  154. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  155. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  156. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  157. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 126-127)
  158. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 126-127)
  159. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 126-127)
  160. ↑ Blanton, Richard. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. p.46
  161. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 126-127)
  162. ↑ Marcus and Flannery 1996:106
  163. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico p. 125. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  164. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico p. 125. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  165. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico p. 125. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  166. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico pp. 126-127. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  167. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico pp. 126-127. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  168. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-acknowledgements.html
  169. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-narratives.html
  170. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-nga_tables.html
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