MxAlb5*

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Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams; Gréine Jordan ♥ Majority of work carried out by Alice Williams; Gréine Jordan wrote general description and edited some of Williams's work.

♠ Original name ♣ Monte Alban V ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ Early and Late Postclassic ♥

♠ Peak Date ♣ ♥


Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 900-1520 CE ♥

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ quasi-polity ♥ The Zapotec state fragmented into numerous competing polities after the end of the IIIA period, each politically independent of the others.[1][2]

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ none; personal union ♥ Marriage alliances between the elite of the Zapotec and Mixtec societies during this period were recorded by the relaciones (16th century Spanish writers). Alliances were created for many possible reasons, including political gain, status and increased access to farmland and resources.[3] No permanent unions between polities; these alliances seem between individuals.

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ Monte Alban IIIB and IV ♥
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ continuity ♥ The process of political balkanisation which started at the end of the MA IIIA period continued into this period until the Spanish invasion. Separate kingdoms formed, with Monte Alban still occupied but with a much reduced population.[4]
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ Spanish colonial rule ♥
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ ♥
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ ♥

♠ Capital ♣ none ♥ There was no single capital in the valley. Instead there were a series of smaller polities, each with a head town and other smaller settlements.[5]


♠ Language ♣ Zapotec ♥ [6]

General Description

The Monte Alban V period is generally known for the balkianisation of polities in the valley.[7] The length assigned to the Monte Albán V phase is due to the consistency of ceramic style throughout the period, and lack of evidence for major changes in other archaeological remains. There may have been many changes over these centuries, but it has been argued that the conservatism of ceramics suggests a time of relative political stability.[8] The primary evidence for this period comes from the accounts written by the Spanish after they arrived in the 1520s. This means that there is much more information than previous periods for certain aspects of life for the inhabitants of Oaxaca, such as the name for the head of the ruling class (the coquitao or “great lord”) and full-time priests (bigaña),[9] but less information in other respects as there were no longer any monumental buildings or large settlements being constructed. The unified valley under the Zapotec state had gone by this period, replaced by around 15-20 smaller polities[10][11] which were often fighting one another (as suggested by the widespread use of fortifications and descriptions in the ethnohistoric records),[12] but the overall population of the valley continued to increase to the highest number yet reached in the valley.[13] In addition, craft work and specialisation became more widespread, with more finely decorated ceramics being produced throughout the valley and were not just concentrated in the main settlements as before.[14]

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ ♥ As the Zapotec state was in a process of fragmentation into smaller polities, the actual extent of any polity in the Valley of Oaxaca is very difficult to determine for this period.[15]

"Table 10.1. Population of Late Postclassic polities in the Central Valleys of Oaxaca" + "Table 10.2. Population of other Late Postclassic polities in highland Oaxaca." = ~ 61 polities.[16] Polity territory = total area / 61?

♠ Polity Population ♣ [8,127-10,836] ♥ The overall population of the valley increased during this period, but was divided into numerous (15-20) smaller political entities.[17] The population of the whole valley (based on the total of settlement population estimates) would have been 95,523-229,581 people.[18] A very coarse estimate of the average polity population is taken as the average between the higher and lower population estimates for the whole valley (162,552 people) divided by 15 and 20 to give a higher and lower range of polity size (10,836 and 8,127 people respectively). The precise numbers for the polity population estimates should not be taken as accurate predictions of polity population size.

"Table 7.1. Monte Alban V sites in Valley of Oaxaca subareas."[19]

Etla: 15404; Central: 20,839; N Valle Grande: 24938; S Valle Grande 23919; W Tlacolula: 41255; E Tlacolula: 40119; Ejutla: 19970; Albarradas: 5416; Sola: 9168.
Total: 201,028

"Table 10.1. Population of Late Postclassic polities in the Central Valleys of Oaxaca."[20]

Population 'shatter zone': Coatecas: 3500; Coyotepec: 4600; Eastern Etla: 9900; Ejutla: 4300; El Choco: 4200; El Vergel: 4100; Huitzo: 3500; Ixlahuaca: 5900. Jalieza: 8800; Macuilxochitl: 23400; Matatlan: 3100; Mitla: 23000; Quialana: 5700; Sa'a Yucu: 18800; San Luis Beltran: 3000; San Miguel de Valle: 4200. San Pedro Martir: 16600; Taniche: 5000; Teitipac: 9300; Tlalixtac: 9200; Tlapacoyan: 3300; Tule: 2500; Yagul/Tlacolula: 8300. Zautla/Tejalapan: 2400. Mean size: 7,700.[21] Don't understand why in the list below this one in the same table for 'Centers/Ethnhnohistory' many of these polities have different, larger populations. There is also a "Table 10.2. Population of other Late Postclassic polities in highland Oaxaca" which has an even longer list.[22]

"Table 11.3. Population in the largest centers, by phase, in Oaxaca and Ejutla."[23]

Valley of Oaxaca population (Largest center in Oaxaca): Tierras Largas: 327 (128); San Jose: 1942 (1384); Guadalupe: 1788 (774); Rosario: 1835 (564); Early I: 14652 (5250); Late I: 51339 (17242); Monte Alban II: 41927 (14492); Monte Alban IIIA: 120121 (16507); Monte Alban IIIB: 78930 (24189); Monte Alban IV: 77612 (16117); Monte Alban V: 166467 (13831).[24]

♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ [4236-10590] ♥ Inhabitants. This is the population estimate for the largest settlement in the valley at this time (in the Tlacolula subvalley). Although much reduced, Monte Albán was still a substantial settlement relative to other settlements during this period with a population estimate of 2774-5549 people. [25]

"Table 11.3. Population in the largest centers, by phase, in Oaxaca and Ejutla."[26]

Valley of Oaxaca population (Largest center in Oaxaca): Monte Alban V: 166467 (13831).[27]

Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ [2-3] ♥ levels. For each of the 15-20 smaller polities, there was a head town with supporting villages and hamlets.[28] By 900 CE, Monte Alban was no longer a primary center, although it continued to be occupied.[29]

1. Main town of the polity

2. Village
3. Hamlet

"Table 10.9. Monte Alban V population hierarchy in Oaxaca and Ejutla."[30]

Valley of Oaxaca: Level I: 11504-13831; II: 6324-6649; III: 1192-3430; IV: 736-953; V: 486-665; VI: 308-545; VII: 204-297; No rank: 8-199.[31]

♠ Administrative levels ♣ [2-3] ♥ levels. Ethnohistoric records written by the Spanish after 1520 describe the coqui or noblemen who oversaw the villages, as well as the golaba, or “lord’s solicitor” who oversaw the collection of goods and services from the villages.[32] The levels of organisation are supported by the archaeological evidence which suggests that there was a head town in each of the polities, with supporting villages and hamlets.[33]

♠ Religious levels ♣ 3 ♥ levels. Ethnohistoric records written by the Spanish after 1520 describe the presence of full-time priests, or bigaña, during this period. [34] The bigaña were ranked beneath the uija-táo (or great seer) and above the ueza-eche, huetete colanij (sacrifice or diviner),[35] although the extent to which these ranks can be inferred back to the whole period are not known.

1. First rank-uija-táo-“great seer”

2. Second rank-vuijatáo copa pitáo bigaña-“priest”/ bigaña-“young priest” or “student priest”
3. Third rank-ueza-eche, huetete colanij-“sacrifice” or “diviner”

♠ Military levels ♣ 2 ♥ levels. Spanish written records describe the presence of military officers and soldiers (civilian conscripts) during this period.[36]

1. Military officers

2. Individual soldier

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ present ♥ Descriptions in the Spanish relaciones (Spanish written documents from the time of the Spanish conquest) provide evidence for the presence of military officers in charge of competing armies at the end of this period. Their presence in the centuries before the Spanish conquest is inferred.[37][38]

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ present ♥ Inferred present from the descriptions of military officers and armies in the Spanish relaciones.[39][40]

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ present ♥ Spanish written records describe the presence of full-time priests (bigaña) who lived in temples and were the sons of the Zapotec nobility. A profesional priesthood is therefore inferred to be present, although the extent to which this information can be extended back to the entire period is not known.[41][42]

Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ inferred absent ♥ Spanish written records refer to bureaucratic positions, such as the positions of tribute collector, ward boss and golaba, or “lord’s solicitor” who collected goods and services from surrounding villages.[43][44] However, the evidence we have does not shed any light on whether these were full-time specialists.[45] Charles Spencer commented: 'In the Zapotec case, we have a few 16th-century sources, but they are far from ideal in terms of providing details about Zapotec governance in the 16th century, let alone the time of the early Monte Alban state (ca. 300 B.C. through A.D. 800). Flannery and Marcus have done a fine job of pulling together what can be gleaned from the 16th century sources (e.g., Flannery 1983 "The Legacy of the Early Urban Period: An Ethnohistoric Approach" in The Cloud People). Taking a broad view of administration [...] one can identify several governing specialists in the 16th sources, for example: coquitao (king), coquihualao (prince), xoana (minor noble), golaba (lord's solicitor or barrio head), uija-tao (high priest), bigaña (lower-ranking priests). There may have been even more specialists in the 16th century, but [...] the ethnohistoric sources don't provide adequate documentation'.[46]

♠ Examination system ♣ ♥ Evidence for bureaucracy during this period is mainly limited to the documents written after the Spanish invasion.[47]

♠ Merit promotion ♣ ♥ unknown. Evidence for bureaucracy during this period is mainly limited to the documents written after the Spanish invasion.[48]

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ suspected unknown ♥ unknown. Evidence for bureaucracy during this period is mainly limited to the documents written after the Spanish invasion.[49] Our understanding of precolonial Zapotec administrative structures (both in terms of official positions and built architecture) is limited, and Gary Feinman commented that 'My own view is that 16th century governance was rather different from that at Monte Albán in that the 16th century governance was centered more expressly on palaces, while earlier Monte Albán phase governance was less so'.[50] If this was the case for this period, administrative buildings may not have existed independently of elite residences.

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ ♥ unknown. There is no evidence for a formal legal system during this period.[51]

♠ Judges ♣ ♥ unknown. There is no evidence for a formal legal system during this period.[52]

♠ Courts ♣ inferred absent ♥ There is no evidence for a formal legal system during this period.[53]

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ ♥ unknown. There is no evidence for a formal legal system during this period.[54]

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ ♥
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ ♥
♠ markets ♣ ♥
♠ food storage sites ♣ inferred absent ♥ It is assumed that the lack of state-owned storage sites continued into the phases after the decline of the Zapotec state.[55][56]

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ absent ♥ Only limited evidence for roads has been found (in earlier phases at Monte Alban), and these appear to have been restricted to within settlements. We asked Gary Feinman about roads in Oaxacan polities and he said: "It depends on what you mean by roads. There are definite roads/accessways within sites. Blanton defines some at Monte Albán and Linda [Nicholas] and I defined some at El Palmillo. These likely were not paved, but they may have been banked and were cleared. Between sites there are known 16th century trails, which were likely used for a long, long time. Again, they likely were not paved, but there were no beasts of burden."[57] Coded absent: we do not count accessways within settlements or paths and trails not constructed deliberately as roads.
♠ Bridges ♣ inferred absent ♥ There is no evidence for bridges in prehispanic Valley of Oaxaca.[58]
♠ Canals ♣ inferred absent ♥ Although canals were present, they would not have been large enough to use as transport.[59]
♠ Ports ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ absent ♥ Settlements were primarily residential.[60]

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ absent ♥ Detailed documentation was written in Spanish after the end of this period.[61]
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ ♥ unknown
♠ Written records ♣ inferred present ♥ Zapotec writing and counting systems were recorded by the Spanish after the invasion.[62] Mesoamerican civilizations, including the Maya, Aztec, Mixtec and Zapotec all possessed "a true form of writing: a series of hieroglyphs arranged in vertical columns and in many instances combined with numerals. The glyphs were at least indirectly related to a spoken language." Zapotec and Mixtec belong to the Otomanguean language family while the Aztec and and Maya belong to the Utoaztecan and Macro-Mayan, respectively. Zapotec writing system is considered the oldest (from c600 BCE). Zapotec inscriptions are considered true writing, since the inscriptions had verbs.[63]
♠ Script ♣ inferred present ♥ Zapotec writing and counting systems were recorded by the Spanish after the invasion.[64] Detailed documentation was written in Spanish after the end of this period.[65]
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ absent ♥ Detailed documentation was written in Spanish after the end of this period.[66]

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ present ♥ Genealogical registers were recorded in the previous periods (IIIB-IV),[67] and lists assumed to have continued in existence during this period.
♠ Calendar ♣ present ♥ Spanish written records refer to the Zapotec calendars, one 365 day calendar and one 260 day ‘ritual’ calendar called ‘pije/ piye’, which links to the Zapotec word ‘pé’ for life).[68]
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ absent ♥ Detailed documentation of life in the Valley of Oaxaca were written only after the Spanish conquest in the 1520s.[69]
♠ Religious literature ♣ absent ♥ Detailed documentation of life in the Valley of Oaxaca were written only after the Spanish conquest in the 1520s.[70]
♠ Practical literature ♣ absent ♥ Detailed documentation of life in the Valley of Oaxaca were written only after the Spanish conquest in the 1520s.[71]
♠ History ♣ absent ♥ Detailed documentation of life in the Valley of Oaxaca were written only after the Spanish conquest in the 1520s.[72]
♠ Philosophy ♣ absent ♥ Detailed documentation of life in the Valley of Oaxaca were written only after the Spanish conquest in the 1520s.[73]
♠ Scientific literature ♣ absent ♥ Detailed documentation of life in the Valley of Oaxaca were written only after the Spanish conquest in the 1520s.[74]
♠ Fiction ♣ absent ♥ Detailed documentation of life in the Valley of Oaxaca were written only after the Spanish conquest in the 1520s.[75]


Money

♠ Articles ♣ absent ♥ Monetary items have not been found dating to this period.[76]
♠ Tokens ♣ absent ♥ Monetary items have not been found dating to this period.[77]
♠ Precious metals ♣ absent ♥ Monetary items have not been found dating to this period.[78]
♠ Foreign coins ♣ absent ♥ Monetary items have not been found dating to this period.[79]
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ absent ♥ Monetary items have not been found dating to this period.[80]
♠ Paper currency ♣ absent ♥ Monetary items have not been found dating to this period.[81]

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ ♥ unknown. There is no evidence for a postal system during this period. [82]
♠ Postal stations ♣ absent ♥ There is no evidence for a postal system during this period. [83]
♠ General postal service ♣ absent ♥ There is no evidence for a postal system during this period. [84]

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams ♥

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[85][86]
♠ Bronze ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[87][88]
♠ Iron ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[89][90]
♠ Steel ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[91][92]

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ absent ♥ Weapons other than obsidian swords, bows and arrows, slings, spears and atlatls are not known for this period.[93]
♠ Atlatl ♣ present ♥ Weaponry for military at this time included wooden broadswords edged with obsidian blades, bows and arrows, slings, atlatls.[94]
♠ Slings ♣ present ♥ Weaponry for military at this time included wooden broadswords edged with obsidian blades, bows and arrows, slings, atlatls.[95]
♠ Self bow ♣ present ♥ Weaponry for military at this time included wooden broadswords edged with obsidian blades, bows and arrows, slings, atlatls.[96]
♠ Composite bow ♣ absent ♥ Weapons other than obsidian swords, bows and arrows, slings, spears and atlatls are not known for this period.[97]
♠ Crossbow ♣ absent ♥ Weapons other than obsidian swords, bows and arrows, slings, spears and atlatls are not known for this period.[98]
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ absent ♥ Complex military technology was not present in the Valley of Oaxaca until after the Spanish conquest in the 1520s.[99]
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ absent ♥ Complex military technology was not present in the Valley of Oaxaca until after the Spanish conquest in the 1520s.[100]
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ absent ♥ Complex military technology was not present in the Valley of Oaxaca until after the Spanish conquest in the 1520s.[101]
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ absent ♥ Complex military technology was not present in the Valley of Oaxaca until after the Spanish conquest in the 1520s.[102]

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ absent ♥ Weapons other than obsidian swords, bows and arrows, slings, spears and atlatls are not known for this period.[103]
♠ Battle axes ♣ absent ♥ Weapons other than obsidian swords, bows and arrows, slings, spears and atlatls are not known for this period.[104]
♠ Daggers ♣ absent ♥ Weapons other than obsidian swords, bows and arrows, slings, spears and atlatls are not known for this period.[105]
♠ Swords ♣ present ♥ Weaponry for military at this time included wooden broadswords edged with obsidian blades, bows and arrows, slings, atlatls.[106]
♠ Spears ♣ present ♥ Present in the valley of Oaxaca since preceramic times (the Proto-Otomangueans) for hunting.[107]
♠ Polearms ♣ absent ♥ Weapons other than obsidian swords, bows and arrows, slings, spears and atlatls are not known for this period.[108]

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ absent ♥ Domestic dogs were present during this period, but were eaten and may not have been used in raiding warfare.[109][110]
♠ Donkeys ♣ absent ♥ Species was not present at this time in the American continents.[111][112]
♠ Horses ♣ absent ♥ Species was not present at this time in the American continents.[113][114]
♠ Camels ♣ absent ♥ Species was not present at this time in the American continents.[115][116]
♠ Elephants ♣ absent ♥ Species was not present at this time in the American continents.[117][118]

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ absent ♥ There is little evidence for armor other than cotton armor and shields, as recorded by the Spanish at the end of this period.[119]
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ present ♥ Written evidence from the Spanish written documents at the end of this period record the use of cotton armor by military officers.[120]
♠ Shields ♣ present ♥ Written evidence from the Spanish written documents at the end of this period record the use of wooden or cane shields by military officers.[121]
♠ Helmets ♣ absent ♥ There is little evidence for armor other than cotton armor and shields, as recorded by the Spanish at the end of this period.[122]
♠ Breastplates ♣ absent ♥ There is little evidence for armor other than cotton armor and shields, as recorded by the Spanish at the end of this period.[123]
♠ Limb protection ♣ absent ♥ There is little evidence for armor other than cotton armor and shields, as recorded by the Spanish at the end of this period.[124]
♠ Chainmail ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[125][126]
♠ Scaled armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[127][128]
♠ Laminar armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[129][130]
♠ Plate armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[131][132]

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ present ♥ Many settlements continued to be located on hilltops during this period.[133]
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ unknown ♥ Monte Albán was built with a 3km defensive wall along the shallower slopes of the hill, and wooden palisades may have been present.[134]
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ present ♥ The defensive wall around Monte Alban was made of earth and stone.[135][136]
♠ Ditch ♣ absent ♥ The presence of a ditch has not been recorded.[137]
♠ Moat ♣ absent ♥ There is no evidence for a moat at Monte Alban or other settlements.[138]
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ present ♥ Many settlements show evidence for fortifications from this period, for example: “…the rocky summit of the Yagul hill [Tlacolula region] was fortified during Period V with the same kind of dry-laid stone masonry walls used at the Mitla Fortress.”[139]
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Fortified camps ♣ absent ♥ Evidence for fortified camps has not been found for this period.[140]
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ inferred present ♥ The fortifications along the northern sector of Monte Alban consisted of an inner and outer wall, although the outer wall may have been much older (constructed in the Late I or II phases).[141]
♠ Long walls ♣ ♥ Evidence for long walls has not been found in the valley.[142]
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥ Modern fortifications were not present in prehispanic times.[143]

Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ Greine Jordan ♥ with additions from Phase 1 Sheets

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ suspected unknown ♥ From Phase 1: "The most dramatic changes involved the collapse of ruling institutions and dynasties. The evidence demonstrates that ruling institutions failed and nobles lost the bulk of their wealth and political authority. Temples, elaborate residences, and ceremonial spaces previously controlled by the nobility were abandoned. Monumental art and writing ceased. The evidence at present suggests a profound collapse in ruling institutions as well as in settlement and perhaps demography, to the extent that it might be viewed as a rupture in the dominant discourse. From Phase 1: The process of political balkanisation which started at the end of the MA IIIA period continued into this period until the Spanish invasion. Separate kingdoms formed, with Monte Albán still occupied but with a much reduced population.[144] "The data suggest that the Early Postclassic saw a significant reduction in inequality and it may have taken two or three centuries for strong social hierarchies to reemerge. The period of relative equality ends between ad 1000 and 1200 with the founding of new ruling dynasties." [145] From Phase 1: There is no evidence for a formal legal system during this period.[146]
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ suspected unknown ♥ From Phase 1: "The most dramatic changes involved the collapse of ruling institutions and dynasties. The evidence demonstrates that ruling institutions failed and nobles lost the bulk of their wealth and political authority. Temples, elaborate residences, and ceremonial spaces previously controlled by the nobility were abandoned. Monumental art and writing ceased. The evidence at present suggests a profound collapse in ruling institutions as well as in settlement and perhaps demography, to the extent that it might be viewed as a rupture in the dominant discourse. From Phase 1: The process of political balkanisation which started at the end of the MA IIIA period continued into this period until the Spanish invasion. Separate kingdoms formed, with Monte Albán still occupied but with a much reduced population.[147] "The data suggest that the Early Postclassic saw a significant reduction in inequality and it may have taken two or three centuries for strong social hierarchies to reemerge. The period of relative equality ends between ad 1000 and 1200 with the founding of new ruling dynasties." [148] From Phase 1: There is no evidence for a formal legal system during this period.[149]
♠ Impeachment ♣ suspected unknown ♥ From Phase 1: "The most dramatic changes involved the collapse of ruling institutions and dynasties. The evidence demonstrates that ruling institutions failed and nobles lost the bulk of their wealth and political authority. Temples, elaborate residences, and ceremonial spaces previously controlled by the nobility were abandoned. Monumental art and writing ceased. The evidence at present suggests a profound collapse in ruling institutions as well as in settlement and perhaps demography, to the extent that it might be viewed as a rupture in the dominant discourse. From Phase 1: The process of political balkanisation which started at the end of the MA IIIA period continued into this period until the Spanish invasion. Separate kingdoms formed, with Monte Albán still occupied but with a much reduced population.[150] "The data suggest that the Early Postclassic saw a significant reduction in inequality and it may have taken two or three centuries for strong social hierarchies to reemerge. The period of relative equality ends between ad 1000 and 1200 with the founding of new ruling dynasties." [151] From Phase 1: There is no evidence for a formal legal system during this period.[152]

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ present ♥ EARLY POSTCLASSIC: From Phase 1:"The data suggest that the Early Postclassic saw a significant reduction in inequality and it may have taken two or three centuries for strong social hierarchies to reemerge. The period of relative equality ends between ad 1000 and 1200 with the founding of new ruling dynasties." [153] LATE POSTCLASSIC: From Ritual: Rulers were legitimated by their descent from divine ancestors: “The significance of the Mitla murals therefore lies in the nature of their narrative content and their particular placement within the architectural setting. The Tolteca-Chichimeca, Mixtec, and Zapotec lords of Oaxaca who met in these courts all claimed a form of divine status through descent from the three groups of ancestors portrayed in the murals. These ancestors were miraculously created from environmental phenomena: caves, trees, and the heavens. Ancestor worship therefore became not only a primary religious concern but also a means of determining class rank, paramountcy, and titles to elite domains.” [154] “Unlike the Tolteca-Chichimeca, who preferred to cremate their dead, Mixtecs and Zapotecs mummified the dead at sacred shrines such as Chalcatongo and Mitla. Mummy bundles served as physical proof of the ranking lines of succession upon which both Mixtec and Zapotec social order was defined. The maintenance of a funerary cult that focused on the grouping of the remains of the royal dead in central places was ingenious. In societies like those of the Mixtec and Zapotec, rank was traced through one’s familial relationship with the oldest royal lineages. By controlling access to the divine dead and managing their cult, oracles were actually manipulating the affairs of the living descendants, as kings and queens were forced to use them as mediators in the lineage disputes. Funerary cults therefore provided a source of corporate identity, ensuring political stability among various members of the competitive royal kin groups in the absence of any overarching capital in Postclassic Oaxaca (Pohl 1994c: 69-82, 1999).” [155] From Religion: “The division into commoners and nobles was accompanied by sumptuary rules pertaining to kinds of dress and ornamentation, diet, and linguistic habit. The ‘’caciques’’ or Huitzo, for example, dressed in brightly woven cotton mantles and loincloths while the common people wore clothing made of maguey fiber. Also, at Huitzo only ‘’caciques’’ and ‘’principales’’ were allowed to eat turkey, deer, hares, and rabbits. [...] Commoners employed a special set of pronouns when addressing a noble. A special type of verb, which Cordova called reverential, also was employed only by commoners speaking with nobles.” [156]

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni ♥

Deification of Rulers

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ ♥ absent/present/unknown. For example, rulers are blessed by gods; the institution of kingship is ordained by heaven

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ ♥ absent/present/unknown.

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ ♥ absent/present/unknown. Religious doctrine, philosophical statements, or practice makes claims about equality. For instance, explicit statements by religious groups or influential philosophers that all humans are equal

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ ♥ absent/present/unknown
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ ♥ absent/present/unknown

♠ Ideology reinforces prosociality ♣ ♥ absent/present/unknown. Religious doctrine, philosophical statements, or practice makes claims about engaging in activity for the benefit of a wider community, for instance Christian traditions of alms-giving or Islamic sadaqah

♠ production of public goods ♣ ♥ absent/present/unknown. Public Goods refer to anything that incurs cost to an individual or group of individuals, but that can be used or enjoyed by others who did not incur any of the cost, namely the public at large. They are non-excludable and non-rivalrous goods. Examples are roads, public drinking fountains, public parks or theatres, temples open to the public, etc.

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ inferred absent ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [157] [158] [159]

References

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  129. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  130. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  131. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  132. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  133. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feiman, G.M., Finsten, L., Blanton, R. E. and Nicholas, L. M. Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: the prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacoula, Etla and Ocotlán, the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor
  134. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2003). "The origin of war: New C-14 dates from ancient Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100(20): 11801-11805, p11804
  135. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. p150
  136. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2003). "The origin of war: New C-14 dates from ancient Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100(20): 11801-11805, p11804
  137. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  138. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  139. ↑ Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People. New York. p292
  140. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  141. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p151
  142. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  143. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  144. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  145. ↑ Joyce, A. 2009. Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: ancient people of Southern Mexico p. 249. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.
  146. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  147. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  148. ↑ Joyce, A. 2009. Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: ancient people of Southern Mexico p. 249. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.
  149. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  150. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  151. ↑ Joyce, A. 2009. Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: ancient people of Southern Mexico p. 249. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.
  152. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  153. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 249)
  154. ↑ Pohl, J. 1999. Lintel paintings of the Mitla Palaces. In Kowalski, J.K. (ed) ‘’Mesoamerica Architecture as a Cultural Symbol’’ pp. 176-197. New York; Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  155. ↑ Pohl, J. 2003. Creation stories, hero cults, and alliance building. In Smith, M.E. and F. Berdan (eds) ‘The Postclassic Mesoamerican World’’ pp. 61-66. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press.
  156. ↑ Whitecotton, J.W. 1977. ‘’The Zapotecs: Princes, Priests, and Peasants’’ p. 143. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
  157. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-acknowledgements.html
  158. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-narratives.html
  159. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-nga_tables.html
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