MxAlb1L

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Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams; Gréine Jordan ♥ Majority of work carried out by Alice Williams; Gréine Jordan wrote general description and edited some of Williams's work.

♠ Original name ♣ Monte Alban Late I ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ Monte Albán 1c; Late Preclassic; Late Formative ♥

♠ Peak Date ♣ 100 BCE ♥ Monte Albán gained more territory throughout this period, so the peak date has been coded as the end of the Monte Albán Late I phase.


Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 300 BCE-100 BCE ♥ The Zapotec polity began to expand at the beginning of this phase, conquering the Cañada de Cuicatlán and other areas.[1][2]

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ [confederation; unitary state] ♥ The establishment of a confederation (although not yet a state) at the beginning of Monte Albán Early I is suggested by the simultaneous abandonment of settlements and founding of Monte Albán, which itself was internally divided into different groupings of people, based on distinctions of pottery assemblages.[3] At the beginning of this phase (Late I), the people at Monte Albán began to expand beyond the valley and conquered Cañada de Cuicatlán (as well as other areas including: Ejutla, Peñoles, Miahuatlán and the San Francisco Arriba area)[4], which remained in a subordinate, possibly tributary, relationship with Monte Albán until around 200 CE (the end of the Monte Albán II phase).[5]

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ alliance ♥ It has been argued that the Zapotecs at Monte Alban and the Teotihuacan state built mutually peaceful relationships, while both states were more powerful than other neighbouring polities. Neither conquered the other (based on distinct material culture and architectural styles) but did trade with one another.[6] Monte Alban Late I: “The expansionist tactics adopted by the rulers of Monte Albán apparently took many forms—including not just conquest, but also colonization, episodic raiding, the establishment of marriage alliances and/or trading relationships (perhaps backed by threats or occasional military force), and co-option of existing political structures.”[7]

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ MxAlb1E ♥
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ continuity ♥ The Zapotec polity continued to be centred at Monte Albán, but began to extend its territory at the beginning of this phase.[8][9]
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ MxAlb2* ♥
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ ♥
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ ♥ Distinctive pottery styles suggest that there were around 745 communities in the Valley of Oaxaca during this period,[10] although burnished grey ware is considered characteristic of MA I pottery.[11]

♠ Capital ♣ Monte Albán ♥ Monte Albán was the largest city in the Zapotec polity at this time and had an estimated 17,242 inhabitants (or one third of the entire population of the valley).[12]


♠ Language ♣ Zapotec ♥ “…the iconography and hieroglyphic writing of Monte Albán I suggest that we are dealing with people who spoke an early version of Zapotec and practiced an early form of Zapotec religion.”[13]

General Description

The Monte Albán Late I period ran from 300 to 100 BCE. Archaeologists Charles Spencer and Elsa Redmond argue that the Zapotecs had formed a state by the beginning of this period (around 300 BCE).[14] The Zapotec polity based at Monte Albán started to expand to areas outside the valley at the beginning of this period, but could not yet control all areas within the Valley of Oaxaca.[15] It is thought that the unification of the whole valley by the Zapotec state did not occur until the following period (Monte Albán II).[16]

Population and political organization

There is evidence of an elite during this period. However, the nature of government is still unclear, as is the relationship between elites and non-elites.[17] Richard Blanton et al. summarize the situation: 'Obviously, powerful authorities at Monte Albán could collect taxes, wage wars, engage in diplomacy, erect carved stone monuments, construct public buildings, manage urban problems, appropriate surpluses from producer households, and adjudicate disputes. But who were these authorities and how did they come to positions of power? Were there rulers or a governing council?'[18]
Violent conflicts were rife, and one third of the population of the valley eventually moved to fortified or defensible settlements by the end of Monte Albán I (including Monte Albán itself, which had a three-kilometre defensive wall and was built on a defensible hill top).[19] The danzantes, or carved images of captives, date to the first Monte Albán phases (MA Early-Late I) and may be linked with the expansionist policies and propaganda of Zapotec leaders. It is also worth noting that the richest burials date to this period and, like the danzantes, may be linked with an expression and justification of power by Zapotec elites.[20]
The population of the Zapotec polity grew during this period, particularly at Monte Albán, which housed around 17,000 people, and many new settlements were established within a roughly 30-kilometre radius of Monte Albán.[21] This was part of a general trend of population nucleation during this period, particularly to sites with civic-ceremonial functions.[22] The entire population of the Valley of Oaxaca during the Monte Albán IC phase has been estimated at around 50,000,[23] although it is not clear whether the entire valley was under Zapotec control at this time.[24]

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ 5,000 ♥ squared kilometers, based on the map provided by Spencer (2009).[25]

♠ Polity Population ♣ [50,000-60,000] ♥ People.

"Table 3.10. Monte Alban Late I sites in Valley of Oaxaca subareas."[26]

Etla: 10618; Central (contains Monte Alban): 22844; N Valle Grande: 8581; S Valle Grande: 2633; W Tlacolula: 4344; E Tlacolula: 2317; Ejutla: 3455; Albarradas: 1740; Sola: 1539.[27]
Total = 58,071

Late I early population tripled to 55,000. About 75% of increase within 20 km of Monte Alban.[28]

The approximate figure 50,000 corresponds to the estimated population of the Valley of Oaxaca during the Monte Albán Ic phase by the Settlement Pattern Project[29], although it is not clear whether the entire valley was under Zapotec control at this time.[30] The population estimate does not include the population of the conquered area Canada Cuicatlan.

"Table 11.3. Population in the largest centers, by phase, in Oaxaca and Ejutla."[31]

Valley of Oaxaca population (Largest center in Oaxaca): Tierras Largas: 327 (128); San Jose: 1942 (1384); Guadalupe: 1788 (774); Rosario: 1835 (564); Early I: 14652 (5250); Late I: 51339 (17242); Monte Alban II: 41927 (14492); Monte Alban IIIA: 120121 (16507); Monte Alban IIIB: 78930 (24189); Monte Alban IV: 77612 (16117); Monte Alban V: 166467 (13831).[32]

♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ 17,200 ♥ Edited from 17,242. Inhabitants are estimated to have occupied Monte Albán, the largest settlement in the valley at this time. This concentration of people amounts to roughly one third of the population of the entire valley.[33]

17,000: "From the area of the distribution of Early I sherds (and estimating a population of about 25-50 persons per hectare, less for the area of more scattered pottery), we estimate a population for Early I of 3,500-7,000 (Blanton 1978:33-35) and take the middle value of about 5,000 as the best estimate of population for the period. Population group continued into Late I, eventually reaching an estimated 17,000 (Blanton 1978:44)(fig. 3.4)."[34]

"During Monte Alban Late I, Monte Alban tripled in size to approximately 17,000 people".[35]

"Table 11.3. Population in the largest centers, by phase, in Oaxaca and Ejutla."[36]

Valley of Oaxaca population (Largest center in Oaxaca): Late I: 51339 (17242).[37]

Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ 4 ♥ levels. Four levels of site size, based on settlement size, have been identified by Spencer and Redmond (2004) for this period, in each of the three arms of the Valley of Oaxaca.[38] Spencer and Redmond suggest that the increasing complexity in the Ocotlán-Zimatlán and Tlacolula valleys may have been a response to the growing threat from the Zapotecs in the Etla-Central part of the valley.[39]

1. Primary centre-Monte Albán was the capital of the Zapotec polity during this period.

2. Secondary centre-San José Mogote, San Martin Tilcajete, Yegüih-Lambityeco[40]
3. Tertiary centre-relatively small, civic-ceremonial places[41]
4. Local villages

"Table 5.9. Monte Alban Late I population hierarchy in Oaxaca and Ejutla."[42]

Valley of Oaxaca: Level I: 17242; II: 1392-1946; III: 555-879; IV: 233-496; V: 102-221; No rank: 8-98.[43]

♠ Administrative levels ♣ suspected unknown ♥ levels. The administrative levels could be coded as equivalent to the three higher levels of settlement hierarchy, as those settlements have some evidence of administrative buildings. However sources do not suggest there is evidence that the administrative structure paralleled settlement hierarchy.

1. Main administrative centre-Monte Albán was the capital of the Zapotec polity during this period.

2. Regional administrative centre, secondary centres-San José Mogote, San Martin Tilcajete, Yegüih-Lambityeco[44]
3. Local administrative centres, tertiary centres-relatively small, civic-ceremonial places[45]


♠ Religious levels ♣ 1 ♥ level. State religion existed during this period, based on evidence for two multi-room temples in neighbouring polity at El Palenque.[46] Standardised two-room temples were however not yet present at Monte Alban, and so a permanent state religion with more than one organisational level cannot be inferred.[47]

♠ Military levels ♣ [1-2] ♥ Suggested by Zapotec expansion during this period.[48] The conquest of territories outside of the Valley of Oaxaca suggests that a permanent army, with the necessary commanders, would have existed at this time.[49]

1. War commanders

2. Individual soldiers

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ present ♥ A permanent army is inferred to have been present based on evidence for Zapotec territorial expansion during this period. Evidence from the Cuicatlan Canada suggests that the Zapotec had enough force to destroy whole settlements and maintain a tributary relationship with the Zapotec centre.[50]

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ present ♥ A permanent army is inferred to have been present based on evidence for Zapotec territorial expansion during this period. Evidence from the Cuicatlan Canada suggests that the Zapotec had enough force to destroy whole settlements and maintain a tributary relationship with the Zapotec centre.[51]

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ present ♥ There is evidence for an institutional religion at the contemporary primary center El Palenque, so it is likely that there were full-time priests at Monte Albán (although this cannot be confirmed due to the lack of archaeological evidence from this period at Monte Albán).[52]

Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The monumental construction at Monte Alban has been seen as a sign of a high degree of administrative centralization.[53] However, we lack adequate information about administrative structures at Monte Albán to be able to discern whether full-time specialist bureaucrats (i.e. not just chiefs or generals with administrative duties) were present.[54][55]

♠ Examination system ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The monumental construction at Monte Alban has been seen as a sign of a high degree of administrative centralization.[56] However, we lack adequate information about administrative structures at Monte Albán to be able to discern whether full-time specialist bureaucrats (i.e. not just chiefs or generals with administrative duties) were present.[57][58]

♠ Merit promotion ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The monumental construction at Monte Alban has been seen as a sign of a high degree of administrative centralization.[59] However, we lack adequate information about administrative structures at Monte Albán to be able to discern whether full-time specialist bureaucrats (i.e. not just chiefs or generals with administrative duties) were present.[60][61]

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ absent ♥ Though the following is relevant, here we are interested in buildings that were used solely for administrative purposes. Charles Spencer commented: 'One cannot fail to be impressed by the amount and variety of public/institutional architecture constructed between B.C. 300 and A.D. 800 in and around the Main Plaza at Monte Alban. The archaeological data indicate that much of this architectural complexity was in existence by Monte Alban II (100 B.C. through A.D. 200). Many of these buildings do not appear to have been residential and most likely served an array of religious (e.g., the various structures associated with two-room temples), military (such as Building J and perhaps the Ballcourt), and other "administrative" functions (including a variety of other public/institutional buildings the functions of which are still unclear). At the same time, it is probably also appropriate to consider the quihuitao (royal palace) to be another example of a public/institutional building. Both the main candidate for a quihuitao at Monte Alban (the Patio Hundido complex, according to Flannery) and also the example recently excavated at El Palenque (which was probably the capital of a rival independent state polity in Late Formative times) near San Martin Tilcajete (see Spencer and Redmond 2004 in Lat Am Antiq, and Redmond and Spencer 2017 PNAS) were not associated with tombs like other elite (and non-elite) residences; also, both examples had "residential" as well as "ceremonial/governmental" components. Note that the El Palenque quihuitao is securely dated to the Late Monte Albán I phase (300-100 B.C.)'.[62]

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a formal legal system during this period.[63]

♠ Judges ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a formal legal system during this period.[64]

♠ Courts ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a formal legal system during this period.[65]

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a formal legal system during this period.[66]

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ present ♥ There is some evidence for the use of irrigation systems during this period (for example, at Hierve el Agua), but the evidence suggests that the irrigation systems were constructed at a small scale, serving the land of only one or two communities.[67][68][69] However, an irrigation system has been uncovered at La Coyotera in the Cuicatlan Canada during the Lomas phase (equivalent to MA Late I and II) which was likely constructed to fulfil Zapotec demands.[70]
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ present ♥ A wall was built to dam a reservoir in the northern section of Monte Alban.[71]
♠ markets ♣ inferred present ♥ There is no direct evidence for marketplaces.[72] However, increasing population numbers and product specialisation during this period, as well as the the access that different settlements had to a range of products suggest a trading system of a sort was present. Those sites furthest from Monte Albán and secondary sites had the smallest range of products.[73] We asked Gary Feinman[74] and he said: "Markets clearly have a long history in Mesoamerica before Aztec times. Back in the 1980s, I wrote a paper with Blanton and Kowalewski arguing that there were markets in Monte Albán I (ca. 500-200 BC). You can also find that argument in Ancient Mesoamerica and Ancient Oaxaca. While this may not yet be a consensual view yet, the literature on pre-Aztec markets across Mesoamerica is burgeoning."
♠ food storage sites ♣ absent ♥ No evidence for centralised food storage has been found at Monte Alban.[75][76]

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ absent ♥ Small roads were constructed through Monte Alban, but sources do not suggest there is evidence for a road network linking settlements.[77] We asked Gary Feinman about roads in Oaxacan polities and he said: "It depends on what you mean by roads. There are definite roads/accessways within sites. Blanton defines some at Monte Albán and Linda [Nicholas] and I defined some at El Palmillo. These likely were not paved, but they may have been banked and were cleared. Between sites there are known 16th century trails, which were likely used for a long, long time. Again, they likely were not paved, but there were no beasts of burden."[78] Coded absent: we do not count accessways within settlements or paths and trails not constructed deliberately as roads.
♠ Bridges ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for the construction of bridges during this period.[79]
♠ Canals ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for the construction of canals during this period.[80]
♠ Ports ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ absent ♥ Sources only describe residential sites.[81]

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[82]
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Written records ♣ present ♥ Roughly 350 inscribed stones have been found at Monte Albán (including 310 danzantes) assigned to MA I and II.[83] Mesoamerican civilizations, including the Maya, Aztec, Mixtec and Zapotec all possessed "a true form of writing: a series of hieroglyphs arranged in vertical columns and in many instances combined with numerals. The glyphs were at least indirectly related to a spoken language." Zapotec inscriptions are considered true writing, since the inscriptions had verbs.[84]
♠ Script ♣ present ♥ Evidence for carved glyphs (of names and calendar dates) has been found.[85]
♠ Non-phonetic writing ♣ present ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[86]
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[87]

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[88]
♠ Calendar ♣ present ♥ Several glyphs carved on stones at Monte Albán have been interpreted as calendrical glyphs, based on analogy with later periods[89][90] More specifically, the glyphs on Stele 12 and 13 at Monte Alban seem to refer to days on the 365 day calendar, or yza secular year as it was known in the historical periods. In addition to evidence for the ritual 260 day calendar (or piye calendar) at San Jose Mogote, this suggests that both the two calendars were being used from this time.[91]
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[92]
♠ Religious literature ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[93]
♠ Practical literature ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[94]
♠ History ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[95]
♠ Philosophy ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[96]
♠ Scientific literature ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[97]
♠ Fiction ♣ absent ♥ Glyphs dating to this period have been deciphered as either calendrical dates or the names of prisoners. Sources do not suggest that evidence for other types of writing has been found.[98]


Money

♠ Articles ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[99]
♠ Tokens ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[100]
♠ Precious metals ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[101]
♠ Foreign coins ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[102]
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[103]
♠ Paper currency ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest that monetary items have been found dating to this period.[104]

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a postal system during this period. [105]
♠ Postal stations ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a postal system during this period. [106]
♠ General postal service ♣ absent ♥ Sources do not suggest there is evidence for a postal system during this period. [107]

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Alice Williams ♥

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[108][109]
♠ Bronze ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[110][111]
♠ Iron ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[112][113]
♠ Steel ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[114][115]

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[116] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include javelins. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Atlatl ♣ present ♥ Present in the valley of Oaxaca since preceramic times (the Proto-Otomangueans) for hunting.[117] and, in previous periods, obsidian blades were found in Tomb 10 at San José Mogote which may have been hafted into atlatl darts.[118] In addition, glyphs depicting what may be atlatls or spearthrowers have been carved with the danzantes at San Jose Mogote.[119]
♠ Slings ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[120] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include slings. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias. Moreover, Spanish documents record the use of slings at the end of the Monte Alban V period.[121]
♠ Self bow ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[122] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include bows of any kind. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias. Moreover, Spanish documents record the use of bows and arrows at the end of the Monte Alban V period.[123]
♠ Composite bow ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[124] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include bows of any kind. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias. Moreover, Spanish documents record the use of bows and arrows at the end of the Monte Alban V period.[125]
♠ Crossbow ♣ absent ♥ Hassig lists crossbows among the new military technologies the Spanish introduced to the region in the sixteenth century[126]
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ absent ♥
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ absent ♥
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ absent ♥ Gunpowder not yet invented.
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ absent ♥ Gunpowder not yet invented.

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[127] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include clubs. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Battle axes ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[128] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include axes. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Daggers ♣ present ♥ Obsidian-edged wooden swords and daggers are inferred present based the presence of obsidian blades in the valley.[129]
♠ Swords ♣ present ♥ Obsidian-edged wooden swords and daggers are inferred present based the presence of obsidian blades in the valley.[130]
♠ Spears ♣ inferred present ♥ Present in the valley of Oaxaca since preceramic times (the Proto-Otomangueans) for hunting.[131] However, it does seem to be clear whether they were also used as weapons in warfare.
♠ Polearms ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[132] only mention very little archaeological evidence for weaponry for this period, and this does not include polearms. However, weapons made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ absent ♥ Hassig lists war dogs among the new military "technologies" the Spanish introduced to the region in the sixteenth century[133]
♠ Donkeys ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Horses ♣ absent ♥ Hassig lists horses among the new military "technologies" the Spanish introduced to the region in the sixteenth century[134]
♠ Camels ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.
♠ Elephants ♣ absent ♥ Not native to region.

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[135] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[136] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Shields ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[137] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Helmets ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[138] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Breastplates ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[139] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Limb protection ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Sources[140] only mention very little archaeological evidence for military technology for this period, and this does not include armour. However, armour made from wood and cloth have been documented for the later periods, so their absence in the archaeological record may be due to preservation bias.
♠ Chainmail ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[141][142]
♠ Scaled armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[143][144]
♠ Laminar armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[145][146]
♠ Plate armor ♣ absent ♥ Metalworking was not widely used in Mesoamerica, with metal products consisting mainly of small beads and ornaments.[147][148]

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ absent ♥ The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ present ♥ Monte Albán was built on a hill 400m above the valley floor and a number of other settlements were located on hilltops.[149][150]
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Monte Albán was built with a 3km defensive wall along the shallower slopes of the hill, and wooden palisades may have been present.[151]
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ present ♥ The defensive wall around Monte Alban was made of earth and stone.[152][153]
♠ Ditch ♣ inferred absent ♥ Monte Albán's fortifications are relatively well understood, but no source mentions the existence of a ditch.[154]
♠ Moat ♣ inferred absent ♥ Monte Albán's fortifications are relatively well understood, but no source mentions the existence of a moat.[155]
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ present ♥ The defensive wall around Monte Alban was made of earth and stone.[156][157]
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ absent ♥ The defensive wall around Monte Alban was made of earth and stone.[158][159]
♠ Fortified camps ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ absent ♥ Monte Albán was built with a 3km defensive wall along the shallower slopes of the hill.[160] Another wall was constructed along the northern boundary of Monte Albán, but not until the Late I or II periods.[161]
♠ Long walls ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥ Gunpowder not yet invented.


Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ Gréine Jordan ♥

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ suspected unknown ♥ While there is evidence of an elite the nature of leadership is still unclear, as is the relationship between elites and possible administrators. "...it is difficult to identify particular rulers or to understand how power was exercised."[162]"In discussing the growth of the Monte Albán state, we have pointed to increasing hierarchical complexity indicated by the growth of important centers and the social differentiation between wealthier and poorer households that is seen in the comparative elaborateness of burial goods accompanying the dead. However, it is not easy to understand precisely how this hierarchically constructed society was governed or by whom. Obviously, powerful authorities at Monte Albán could collect taxes, wage wars, engage in diplomacy, erect carved stone monuments, construct public buildings, manage urban problems, appropriate surpluses from producer households, and adjudicate disputes. But who were these authorities and how did they come to positions of power? Were there rulers or a governing council? We are at a loss to specify the nature of government, in part because there has not been sufficient excavation of Period I public buildings and elite houses, but also because there is so little written evidence from the period that would allow us to infer how and by whom power was exercised. No definite Period I rulers were named or represented in portraiture, and no ruling dynasties were recorded. No massive public funerary monuments of rulers have been discovered in the hundred-year history of Oaxacan archaeology. Stonelined tombs held elite individuals, but they occurred in domestic contexts, under the floors of houses; they were not built as public monuments reflecting the glory of individuals or of dynasties."[163] "Recent iconographic interpretations suggest that specialized ritual abilities may have been the prerogative not just of nobles, but also of high-ranking commoners who achieved positions of ritual authority (Urcid 2008; Urcid & Winter 2003)." [164] However, "Human sacrifice[...] was a new ritual practice controlled by elites since only nobles would have had the resources and power to sponsor raids, take captives, and organize public ceremonies. [...] The founding of Monte Albán, the construction of the Main Plaza, public rituals, and warfare were activities that were almost certainly organized and led by nobles." [165] Stronger sense of corporate identity. "Despite increasing political and religious authority, public settings like the Main Plaza stressed the symbols of communal authority and an emerging corporate identity, while muting representations of the increasingly powerful rulers of the city." [166]
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ suspected unknown ♥ While there is evidence of an elite the nature of leadership is still unclear, as is the relationship between elites and possible administrators. "...it is difficult to identify particular rulers or to understand how power was exercised."[167] "In discussing the growth of the Monte Albán state, we have pointed to increasing hierarchical complexity indicated by the growth of important centers and the social differentiation between wealthier and poorer households that is seen in the comparative elaborateness of burial goods accompanying the dead. However, it is not easy to understand precisely how this hierarchically constructed society was governed or by whom. Obviously, powerful authorities at Monte Albán could collect taxes, wage wars, engage in diplomacy, erect carved stone monuments, construct public buildings, manage urban problems, appropriate surpluses from producer households, and adjudicate disputes. But who were these authorities and how did they come to positions of power? Were there rulers or a governing council? We are at a loss to specify the nature of government, in part because there has not been sufficient excavation of Period I public buildings and elite houses, but also because there is so little written evidence from the period that would allow us to infer how and by whom power was exercised. No definite Period I rulers were named or represented in portraiture, and no ruling dynasties were recorded. No massive public funerary monuments of rulers have been discovered in the hundred-year history of Oaxacan archaeology. Stonelined tombs held elite individuals, but they occurred in domestic contexts, under the floors of houses; they were not built as public monuments reflecting the glory of individuals or of dynasties."[168] "Recent iconographic interpretations suggest that specialized ritual abilities may have been the prerogative not just of nobles, but also of high-ranking commoners who achieved positions of ritual authority (Urcid 2008; Urcid & Winter 2003)." [169] However, "Human sacrifice[...] was a new ritual practice controlled by elites since only nobles would have had the resources and power to sponsor raids, take captives, and organize public ceremonies. [...] The founding of Monte Albán, the construction of the Main Plaza, public rituals, and warfare were activities that were almost certainly organized and led by nobles." [170] Stronger sense of corporate identity. "Despite increasing political and religious authority, public settings like the Main Plaza stressed the symbols of communal authority and an emerging corporate identity, while muting representations of the increasingly powerful rulers of the city." [171]
♠ Impeachment ♣ suspected unknown ♥ While there is evidence of an elite the nature of leadership is still unclear, as is the relationship between elites and possible administrators. "...it is difficult to identify particular rulers or to understand how power was exercised."[172] "In discussing the growth of the Monte Albán state, we have pointed to increasing hierarchical complexity indicated by the growth of important centers and the social differentiation between wealthier and poorer households that is seen in the comparative elaborateness of burial goods accompanying the dead. However, it is not easy to understand precisely how this hierarchically constructed society was governed or by whom. Obviously, powerful authorities at Monte Albán could collect taxes, wage wars, engage in diplomacy, erect carved stone monuments, construct public buildings, manage urban problems, appropriate surpluses from producer households, and adjudicate disputes. But who were these authorities and how did they come to positions of power? Were there rulers or a governing council? We are at a loss to specify the nature of government, in part because there has not been sufficient excavation of Period I public buildings and elite houses, but also because there is so little written evidence from the period that would allow us to infer how and by whom power was exercised. No definite Period I rulers were named or represented in portraiture, and no ruling dynasties were recorded. No massive public funerary monuments of rulers have been discovered in the hundred-year history of Oaxacan archaeology. Stonelined tombs held elite individuals, but they occurred in domestic contexts, under the floors of houses; they were not built as public monuments reflecting the glory of individuals or of dynasties."[173] "Recent iconographic interpretations suggest that specialized ritual abilities may have been the prerogative not just of nobles, but also of high-ranking commoners who achieved positions of ritual authority (Urcid 2008; Urcid & Winter 2003)." [174] However, "Human sacrifice[...] was a new ritual practice controlled by elites since only nobles would have had the resources and power to sponsor raids, take captives, and organize public ceremonies. [...] The founding of Monte Albán, the construction of the Main Plaza, public rituals, and warfare were activities that were almost certainly organized and led by nobles." [175] Stronger sense of corporate identity. "Despite increasing political and religious authority, public settings like the Main Plaza stressed the symbols of communal authority and an emerging corporate identity, while muting representations of the increasingly powerful rulers of the city." [176]

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ present ♥ ‘In discussing the growth of the Monte Albán state, we have pointed to increasing hierarchical complexity indicated by the growth of important centers and the social differentiation between wealthier and poorer households that is seen in the comparative elaborateness of burial goods accompanying the dead. However, it is not easy to understand precisely how this hierarchically constructed society was governed or by whom. Obviously, powerful authorities at Monte Albán could collect taxes, wage wars, engage in diplomacy, erect carved stone monuments, construct public buildings, manage urban problems, appropriate surpluses from producer households, and adjudicate disputes. But who were these authorities and how did they come to positions of power? Were there rulers or a governing council? We are at a loss to specify the nature of government, in part because there has not been sufficient excavation of Period I public buildings and elite houses, but also because there is so little written evidence from the period that would allow us to infer how and by whom power was exercised. No definite Period I rulers were named or represented in portraiture, and no ruling dynasties were recorded. No massive public funerary monuments of rulers have been discovered in the hundred-year history of Oaxacan archaeology. Stonelined tombs held elite individuals, but they occurred in domestic contexts, under the floors of houses; they were not built as public monuments reflecting the glory of individuals or of dynasties.’ [177] From Religion: Although hereditary nobles are increasingly evident in the archaeological record, representations of rulers are muted in public expressions of political and religious authority. The authority of the nobility may have been simultaneously couched in, but in dynamic tension with, traditional forms of authority that were more communal, egalitarian, and locally based. Residential and mortuary data, however, indicate increasing social differentiation in the Oaxaca Valley during the Late/Terminal Formative (Barber & Joyce 2006:223- 9; Martínez López et al. 1995:236- 38; Winter 1986:341- 2)." [178]

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni ♥

Deification of Rulers

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ [present; absent] ♥ "Although hereditary nobles are increasingly evident in the archaeological record, representations of rulers are muted in public expressions of political and religious authority. The authority of the nobility may have been simultaneously couched in, but in dynamic tension with, traditional forms of authority that were more communal, egalitarian, and locally based. Residential and mortuary data, however, indicate increasing social differentiation in the Oaxaca Valley during the Late/Terminal Formative (Barber & Joyce 2006:223- 9; Martínez López et al. 1995:236- 38; Winter 1986:341- 2)." [179] "Despite increasing political and religious authority, public settings like the Main Plaza stressed the symbols of communal authority and an emerging corporate identity, while muting representations of the increasingly powerful rulers of the city. Although nobles lived near the ceremonial precinct and directed public rituals, until the Classic period (ad 300- 800) the Main Plaza itself had few overt representations of local nobles and there were no high-status residences directly facing the plaza. Rulers were represented solely in the hieroglyphic inscriptions set in Building L-sub, which were probably understandable only to the literate nobility. The earliest known ruler’s portrait, Monument J-41, dates to c.ad 100. [...] Although the Main Plaza was a public space focused on cosmic symbolism and community, ritual practices carried out there also contributed to the power of the nobility and an increasing separation of noble and commoner identities (A. Joyce 2000; Urcid 2008). Based on the iconographic and epigraphic evidence, as well as analogies with the early colonial period, public ceremonies were probably organized and led by nobles, and perhaps high-ranking members of religious and military organizations. The role of nobles as ritual specialists, especially sacrificers, dramatically communicated and reinforced their identities as mediators between commoners and the sacred." [180]

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ [present; absent] ♥ "Although hereditary nobles are increasingly evident in the archaeological record, representations of rulers are muted in public expressions of political and religious authority. The authority of the nobility may have been simultaneously couched in, but in dynamic tension with, traditional forms of authority that were more communal, egalitarian, and locally based. Residential and mortuary data, however, indicate increasing social differentiation in the Oaxaca Valley during the Late/Terminal Formative (Barber & Joyce 2006:223- 9; Martínez López et al. 1995:236- 38; Winter 1986:341- 2)." [181] "Despite increasing political and religious authority, public settings like the Main Plaza stressed the symbols of communal authority and an emerging corporate identity, while muting representations of the increasingly powerful rulers of the city. Although nobles lived near the ceremonial precinct and directed public rituals, until the Classic period (ad 300- 800) the Main Plaza itself had few overt representations of local nobles and there were no high-status residences directly facing the plaza. Rulers were represented solely in the hieroglyphic inscriptions set in Building L-sub, which were probably understandable only to the literate nobility. The earliest known ruler’s portrait, Monument J-41, dates to c.ad 100. [...] Although the Main Plaza was a public space focused on cosmic symbolism and community, ritual practices carried out there also contributed to the power of the nobility and an increasing separation of noble and commoner identities (A. Joyce 2000; Urcid 2008). Based on the iconographic and epigraphic evidence, as well as analogies with the early colonial period, public ceremonies were probably organized and led by nobles, and perhaps high-ranking members of religious and military organizations. The role of nobles as ritual specialists, especially sacrificers, dramatically communicated and reinforced their identities as mediators between commoners and the sacred." [182]
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ [present; absent] ♥ "Although hereditary nobles are increasingly evident in the archaeological record, representations of rulers are muted in public expressions of political and religious authority. The authority of the nobility may have been simultaneously couched in, but in dynamic tension with, traditional forms of authority that were more communal, egalitarian, and locally based. Residential and mortuary data, however, indicate increasing social differentiation in the Oaxaca Valley during the Late/Terminal Formative (Barber & Joyce 2006:223- 9; Martínez López et al. 1995:236- 38; Winter 1986:341- 2)." [183] "Despite increasing political and religious authority, public settings like the Main Plaza stressed the symbols of communal authority and an emerging corporate identity, while muting representations of the increasingly powerful rulers of the city. Although nobles lived near the ceremonial precinct and directed public rituals, until the Classic period (ad 300- 800) the Main Plaza itself had few overt representations of local nobles and there were no high-status residences directly facing the plaza. Rulers were represented solely in the hieroglyphic inscriptions set in Building L-sub, which were probably understandable only to the literate nobility. The earliest known ruler’s portrait, Monument J-41, dates to c.ad 100. [...] Although the Main Plaza was a public space focused on cosmic symbolism and community, ritual practices carried out there also contributed to the power of the nobility and an increasing separation of noble and commoner identities (A. Joyce 2000; Urcid 2008). Based on the iconographic and epigraphic evidence, as well as analogies with the early colonial period, public ceremonies were probably organized and led by nobles, and perhaps high-ranking members of religious and military organizations. The role of nobles as ritual specialists, especially sacrificers, dramatically communicated and reinforced their identities as mediators between commoners and the sacred." [184]

♠ Ideology reinforces prosociality ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ production of public goods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ inferred absent ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [185] [186] [187]

References

  1. ↑ Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2004). "Primary state formation in Mesoamerica." Annual Review of Anthropology: 173-199
  2. ↑ Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2003). "Militarism, resistance, and early state development in Oaxaca, Mexico." Social Evolution & History 2: 25-70, p29
  3. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p84
  4. ↑ Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2004). "Primary state formation in Mesoamerica." Annual Review of Anthropology: 173-199, p183
  5. ↑ Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2003). "Militarism, resistance, and early state development in Oaxaca, Mexico." Social Evolution & History 2: 25-70.
  6. ↑ Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York. p161-166
  7. ↑ Sherman, R. J., et al. (2010). "Expansionary dynamics of the nascent Monte Alban state." Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 29(3): 278-301, p282
  8. ↑ Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2003). "Militarism, resistance, and early state development in Oaxaca, Mexico." Social Evolution & History 2: 25-70, p29-30
  9. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p86
  10. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. p172
  11. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. p158
  12. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p139
  13. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p155
  14. ↑ (Spencer and Redmond 2004, 176) Charles S. Spencer and Elsa M. Redmond. 2004. 'Primary State Formation in Mesoamerica'. Annual Review of Anthropology 33: 173-99.
  15. ↑ (Redmond and Spencer 2013, E1707-15) Elsa M. Redmond and Charles S. Spencer. 2013. 'Early (300-100 BC) Temple Precinct in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico'. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 110 (19): E1707-15.
  16. ↑ (Spencer and Redmond 2004, 176) Charles S. Spencer and Elsa M. Redmond. 2004. 'Primary State Formation in Mesoamerica'. Annual Review of Anthropology 33: 173-99.
  17. ↑ (Blanton et al. 1999, 127-28) Richard E. Blanton, Gary M. Feinman, Stephen A. Kowalewski and Linda M. Nicholas. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  18. ↑ (Blanton et al. 1999, 127-28) Richard E. Blanton, Gary M. Feinman, Stephen A. Kowalewski and Linda M. Nicholas. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  19. ↑ (Marcus and Flannery 1996, 150) Joyce Marcus and Kent V. Flannery. 1996. Zapotec Civilization: How Urban Society Evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley. London: Thames and Hudson.
  20. ↑ (Flannery and Marcus 1983, 90) Joyce Marcus and Kent V. Flannery. 1983. 'The Earliest Public Buildings, Tombs, and Monuments at Monte Albán, with Notes on the Internal Chronology of Period I', in The Cloud People: Divergent Evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec Civilizations, edited by Joyce Marcus and Kent V. Flannery, 87-91. New York: Academic Press.
  21. ↑ (Marcus and Flannery 1996, 139, 145) Joyce Marcus and Kent V. Flannery. 1996. Zapotec Civilization: How Urban Society Evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley. London: Thames and Hudson.
  22. ↑ (Feinman et al. 1985, 349) Gary M. Feinman, Stephen A. Kowalewski, Laura Finsten, Richard E. Blanton and Linda Nicholas. 1985. 'Long-Term Demographic Change: A Perspective from the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico'. Journal of Field Archaeology 12 (3): 333-62.
  23. ↑ (Marcus and Flannery 1996, 144-45) Joyce Marcus and Kent V. Flannery. 1996. Zapotec Civilization: How Urban Society Evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley. London: Thames and Hudson.
  24. ↑ (Marcus and Flannery 1996, 162) Joyce Marcus and Kent V. Flannery. 1996. Zapotec Civilization: How Urban Society Evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley. London: Thames and Hudson.
  25. ↑ Spencer, C. S. (2009). Testing the Morphogenesist Model of Primary State Formation: The Zapotec Case. Macroevolution in Human Prehistory: Evolutionary Theory and Processual Archaeology. A. M. Prentiss, I. Kuijt and J. C. Chatters, Springer: 133-155, p146
  26. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2017, 40) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2017. Settlement Patterns in the Albarradas Area of Highland Oaxaca, Mexico: Frontiers, Boundaries, and Interaction. Fieldiana Anthropology, 46(1):1-162. Publication 1572. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-46.1.1
  27. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2017, 40) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2017. Settlement Patterns in the Albarradas Area of Highland Oaxaca, Mexico: Frontiers, Boundaries, and Interaction. Fieldiana Anthropology, 46(1):1-162. Publication 1572. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-46.1.1
  28. ↑ (Blanton, Feinman, Kowalewski, Nicholas 1999, 92) Blanton, Richard E. Feinman, Gary M. Kowalewski, Stephen A. Nicholas, Linda M. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. The Monte Alban State. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.
  29. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p144-5
  30. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p162
  31. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2013, 183) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2013. Settlement Patterns of the Ejutla Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico: A Diachronic Macroscale Perspective. Fieldiana Anthropology, 43(1):1-330. 2013. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-43.00.1
  32. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2013, 183) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2013. Settlement Patterns of the Ejutla Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico: A Diachronic Macroscale Perspective. Fieldiana Anthropology, 43(1):1-330. 2013. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-43.00.1
  33. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p139
  34. ↑ (Blanton, Feinman, Kowalewski, Nicholas 1999, 53) Blanton, Richard E. Feinman, Gary M. Kowalewski, Stephen A. Nicholas, Linda M. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. The Monte Alban State. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.
  35. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2017, 38) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2017. Settlement Patterns in the Albarradas Area of Highland Oaxaca, Mexico: Frontiers, Boundaries, and Interaction. Fieldiana Anthropology, 46(1):1-162. Publication 1572. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-46.1.1
  36. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2013, 183) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2013. Settlement Patterns of the Ejutla Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico: A Diachronic Macroscale Perspective. Fieldiana Anthropology, 43(1):1-330. 2013. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-43.00.1
  37. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2013, 183) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2013. Settlement Patterns of the Ejutla Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico: A Diachronic Macroscale Perspective. Fieldiana Anthropology, 43(1):1-330. 2013. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-43.00.1
  38. ↑ Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2004). "Primary state formation in Mesoamerica." Annual Review of Anthropology: 173-199, p176-7
  39. ↑ Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2004). "Primary state formation in Mesoamerica." Annual Review of Anthropology: 173-199, p178
  40. ↑ Feinman, G. M., et al. (1985). "Long-term demographic change: A perspective from the valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." Journal of Field Archaeology 12(3): 333-362, p349
  41. ↑ Feinman, G. M., et al. (1985). "Long-term demographic change: A perspective from the valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." Journal of Field Archaeology 12(3): 333-362, p349
  42. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2013, 63) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2013. Settlement Patterns of the Ejutla Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico: A Diachronic Macroscale Perspective. Fieldiana Anthropology, 43(1):1-330. 2013. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-43.00.1
  43. ↑ (Feinman and Nicholas 2013, 63) Gary M Feinman. Linda M Nicholas. 2013. Settlement Patterns of the Ejutla Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico: A Diachronic Macroscale Perspective. Fieldiana Anthropology, 43(1):1-330. 2013. Field Museum of Natural History. URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.3158/0071-4739-43.00.1
  44. ↑ Feinman, G. M., et al. (1985). "Long-term demographic change: A perspective from the valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." Journal of Field Archaeology 12(3): 333-362, p349
  45. ↑ Feinman, G. M., et al. (1985). "Long-term demographic change: A perspective from the valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." Journal of Field Archaeology 12(3): 333-362, p349
  46. ↑ Sherman, R. J., et al. (2010). "Expansionary dynamics of the nascent Monte Alban state." Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 29(3): 278-301, p282
  47. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. p161
  48. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  49. ↑ Spencer, C. S. (1982) The Cuicatlán Cañada and Monte Albán: A study of primary state formation. Studies in Archaeology. Academic Press, New York. p243-4
  50. ↑ Spencer, C. S. (1982) The Cuicatlán Cañada and Monte Albán: A study of primary state formation. Studies in Archaeology. Academic Press, New York. p243-4
  51. ↑ Spencer, C. S. (1982) The Cuicatlán Cañada and Monte Albán: A study of primary state formation. Studies in Archaeology. Academic Press, New York. p243-4
  52. ↑ Sherman, R. J., et al. (2010). "Expansionary dynamics of the nascent Monte Alban state." Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 29(3): 278-301, p282
  53. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  54. ↑ Gary Feinman, pers. comm., January 2018.
  55. ↑ Charles Spencer, pers. comm., January 2018.
  56. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  57. ↑ Gary Feinman, pers. comm., January 2018.
  58. ↑ Charles Spencer, pers. comm., January 2018.
  59. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  60. ↑ Gary Feinman, pers. comm., January 2018.
  61. ↑ Charles Spencer, pers. comm., January 2018.
  62. ↑ Charles Spencer, pers. comm., January 2018.
  63. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  64. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  65. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  66. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  67. ↑ Kirkby (1973) The use of land and water resources in past and present Valley of Oaxaca. Muesum of Anthropology, Memoirs No.5. An Arbor, University of Michigan. p117
  68. ↑ Nicholas, L. M (1989) Land use in prehispanic Oaxaca. In, Kowalewski, S. A., Feiman, G.M., Finsten, L., Blanton, R. E. and Nicholas, L. M. Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: the prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacoula, Etla and Ocotlán, the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor: 449-505. p458
  69. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. p146
  70. ↑ Spencer, C. S. (1982) The Cuicatlán Cañada and Monte Albán: A study of primary state formation. Studies in Archaeology. Academic Press, New York. p224-6
  71. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p85
  72. ↑ Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York. p162
  73. ↑ Blanton, R. E., et al. (1982). The Prehispanic Settlement Patterns of the Central and Southern Parts of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Regents of the University of Michigan, the Museum of Anthropology, p67-8
  74. ↑ Gary Feinman, personal communication to Peter Turchin and Jenny Reddish, March 2020.
  75. ↑ Feinman, G. M. and Nicholas, L. M (2012) The Late Prehispanic economy of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico: weaving threads from data, theory, and subsequent history. Political Economy, Neoliberalism, and the Prehistoric Economies of Latin America. Vol 32: 225-258. p235
  76. ↑ Blanton, R. E., et al. (1982). The Prehispanic Settlement Patterns of the Central and Southern Parts of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Regents of the University of Michigan, the Museum of Anthropology, p55
  77. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  78. ↑ Gary Feinman, personal communication to Peter Turchin and Jenny Reddish, March 2020.
  79. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  80. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  81. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  82. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  83. ↑ Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2003). "Militarism, resistance, and early state development in Oaxaca, Mexico." Social Evolution & History 2: 25-70, p27
  84. ↑ Joyce Marcus. February 1980. Zapotec Writing. Scientific American. Vol 242. No 2. Scientific American, Nature America, Inc. pp.50-67. URL: http://www.jstor.rg/stable/24966257
  85. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  86. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  87. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  88. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  89. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York.
  90. ↑ Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2004). "Primary state formation in Mesoamerica." Annual Review of Anthropology: 173-199, p179
  91. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. p159
  92. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  93. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  94. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  95. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  96. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  97. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  98. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  99. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  100. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  101. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  102. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  103. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  104. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  105. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  106. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  107. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  108. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  109. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  110. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  111. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  112. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  113. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  114. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  115. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  116. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  117. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p36
  118. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p133
  119. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. p153
  120. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  121. ↑ Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People. New York. p217-8
  122. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  123. ↑ Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People. New York. p217-8
  124. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  125. ↑ Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People. New York. p217-8
  126. ↑ (Hassig 1992, 143) Hassig, Robert. 1992. War and Society in Ancient Mesoamerica. London; Berkeley: University of California Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/F76EVNU3/itemKey/E9VHCKDG
  127. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  128. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  129. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  130. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  131. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York., p36
  132. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  133. ↑ (Hassig 1992, 143) Hassig, Robert. 1992. War and Society in Ancient Mesoamerica. London; Berkeley: University of California Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/F76EVNU3/itemKey/E9VHCKDG
  134. ↑ (Hassig 1992, 143) Hassig, Robert. 1992. War and Society in Ancient Mesoamerica. London; Berkeley: University of California Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/F76EVNU3/itemKey/E9VHCKDG
  135. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  136. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  137. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  138. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  139. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  140. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  141. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  142. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  143. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  144. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  145. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  146. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  147. ↑ Coe, M. D., Koontz, R. (2013) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (7th ed.) Thames and Hudson, London, p157
  148. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feinman, G. M., Finten, L., Blanton, R. E., Nicholas, L. M. (1989) Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: Prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and Ocotlan, The Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Volume II. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor.
  149. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1976). "Formative Oaxaca and Zapotec Cosmos." American Scientist 64(4): 374-383.
  150. ↑ Kowalewski, S. A., Feiman, G.M., Finsten, L., Blanton, R. E. and Nicholas, L. M. Monte Albán’s Hinterland, Part II: the prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacoula, Etla and Ocotlán, the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 23. Ann Arbor
  151. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2003). "The origin of war: New C-14 dates from ancient Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100(20): 11801-11805, p11804
  152. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. p150
  153. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2003). "The origin of war: New C-14 dates from ancient Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100(20): 11801-11805, p11804
  154. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  155. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York.
  156. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. p150
  157. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2003). "The origin of war: New C-14 dates from ancient Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100(20): 11801-11805, p11804
  158. ↑ Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. p150
  159. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2003). "The origin of war: New C-14 dates from ancient Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100(20): 11801-11805, p11804
  160. ↑ Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2003). "The origin of war: New C-14 dates from ancient Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100(20): 11801-11805, p11804
  161. ↑ Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p151
  162. ↑ Blanton, Richard. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. p.129
  163. ↑ Blanton, Richard. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. p.127-128
  164. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 143)
  165. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 144)
  166. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 144)
  167. ↑ Blanton, Richard. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. p.129
  168. ↑ Blanton, Richard. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. p.127-128
  169. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 143)
  170. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 144)
  171. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 144)
  172. ↑ Blanton, Richard. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. p.129
  173. ↑ Blanton, Richard. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. p.127-128
  174. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 143)
  175. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 144)
  176. ↑ (Joyce 2009, 144)
  177. ↑ Blanton, Richard. 1999. Ancient Oaxaca. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. p.127-128
  178. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico pp. 141-142. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  179. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico pp. 141-142. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  180. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico pp. 144-145. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  181. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico pp. 141-142. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  182. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico pp. 144-145. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  183. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico pp. 141-142. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  184. ↑ Joyce, A.A. 2009. Peoples of America : Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico pp. 144-145. Hoboken, GB: Wiley-Blackwell.
  185. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-acknowledgements.html
  186. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-narratives.html
  187. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-nga_tables.html
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