MnXngnE

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Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ Agathe Dupeyron, Edward Turner ♥

♠ Original name ♣ Early Xiongnu ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ ♥

♠ Peak Date ♣ ♥


Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 1400-300 BCE ♥ "Based on radiocarbon dating, the time-span of material patterns associated with Xiongnu archaeology range as early as 400/300 BC and as late as 200 AD. It is in the nature of archaeological dating to have wide error ranges but despite this, these archaeological patterns probably precede and postdate the Xiongnu chronology given in the histories (i.e., 209 BC to c. 93 AD)." [1]

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ ♥

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ ♥

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ ♥
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ ♥
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ Xiongnu Imperial Confederation ♥
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ Early Nomadic ♥
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ ♥ km squared.

♠ Capital ♣ ♥


♠ Language ♣ Xiongnu ♥

General Description

The Orkhon Valley is located on either side of the Orkhon River, in north-central Mongolia. Here, we are interested in the phase of its prehistory in the millennium preceding the establishment of the Xiongnu empire, that is, 1400-300 BCE. Unfortunately, very little is known about this period,[2] though Chinese historians note that at the very end of this period the Xiongnu were one of three major steppe confederations in Mongolia more widely.[3]

No population estimates could be found specifically for the an average independent political unit in the Orkhon Valley at this time, though it is worth noting that, according to McEvedy and Jones (1978), the total population of Siberia and Mongolia in this period did not exceed 400,000.[4] Similarly, no information could be found on political organization at this time.

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ [350,000-700,000]: 1400-500 BCE; [700,000-1,400,000]: 400-300 BCE ♥ in squared kilometers

According to McEvedy and Jones (1978) the total population of Siberia and Mongolia at this time did not exceed 400,000, while in Russian Turkestan in 1300 BC "we can think in terms of 100,000 people on the steppe."[5]

Main part of this area covers 7,000,000 km2, which is an area of 14 per capita. This suggests a polity of 25,000-50,000 would have a territorial share of 350,000-700,000 km2. Since the time period 1400-300 BCE is extremely long I use this average for the 1400-500 BCE period and double it for the last 200 years prior to the rise of the Xiongnu Imperial Confederation.


♠ Polity Population ♣ [25,000-50,000]: 1400-500 BCE; [50,000-100,000]: 400-300 BCE ♥ People.

According to McEvedy and Jones (1978) the total population of Siberia and Mongolia at this time did not exceed 400,000, while in Russian Turkestan in 1300 BC "we can think in terms of 100,000 people on the steppe."[6]

The pre-Empire Xiongnu would have been a fraction of the total figure. 5-10% of 500,000 would provide an estimate of 25,000-50,000. This might represent an average of 20-40 groups covering this whole region. Since the time period 1400-300 BCE is extremely long I use this average for the 1400-500 BCE period and double it for the last 200 years prior to the rise of the Xiongnu Imperial Confederation.


♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ ♥ Inhabitants.


Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ 1 ♥ levels.


♠ Administrative levels ♣ [2-3] ♥ levels.

During the Empire period a supreme leader ruled over "kings", which suggest kings preceded the Empire period.[7]

1. Kings

2. Chiefs
3. Subordinate?


♠ Religious levels ♣ 1 ♥ levels. Shamans. [8]


♠ Military levels ♣ [3-4] ♥ levels.

During the Empire period a supreme leader ruled over "kings", which suggest kings preceded the Empire period.[9]

1. Kings

2. Chiefs
3. Officer level?
4. Individual soldier


Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ inferred absent ♥ Full-time specialists not considered present during the later Xiongnu Imperial Confederation.

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Not enough data, though perhaps it would be reasonable to infer absence.

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Not enough data, though perhaps it would be reasonable to infer absence.

Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ inferred absent ♥ Full-time specialists not considered present during the later Xiongnu Imperial Confederation.

♠ Examination system ♣ inferred absent ♥ Not enough data, though it seems reasonable to infer absence.

♠ Merit promotion ♣ inferred absent ♥ Not enough data, though it seems to reasonable infer absence.

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ inferred absent ♥ Not enough data, though it seems to reasonable infer absence.

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ ♥ Coded inferred present for Xiongnu Imperial Confederation.

♠ Judges ♣ inferred absent ♥ Not enough data, though it seems to reasonable infer absence.

♠ Courts ♣ inferred absent ♥ Not enough data, though it seems to reasonable infer absence.

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ inferred absent ♥ Not enough data, though it seems to reasonable infer absence.

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ inferred absent ♥ Irrigation systems absent for the later Xiongnu Imperial Confederation.[10]
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ inferred absent ♥ Not enough data, though it seems to reasonable infer absence.
♠ markets ♣ inferred absent ♥ Not enough data, though it seems to reasonable infer absence.
♠ food storage sites ♣ ♥

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ inferred absent ♥ Not enough data, though it seems to reasonable infer absence.
♠ Bridges ♣ inferred absent ♥ Not enough data, though it seems to reasonable infer absence.
♠ Canals ♣ inferred absent ♥ Not enough data, though it seems to reasonable infer absence.
♠ Ports ♣ inferred absent ♥ Not enough data, though it seems to reasonable infer absence.

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ ♥

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ inferred present ♥ Oral histories likely: "the early steppe peoples would not have been a promising vehicle for the diffusion of complicated, textually based knowledge; according to the Northern Wei dynastic history, the Rouran were illiterates whose leaders at first kept records of their troop numbers by piling up sheep turds as counters but eventually graduated to scratching simple marks onto pieces of wood. Not surprisingly, there is no evidence of the transmission of Chinese military theories and texts to the West by way of the Avars, other steppe nomads, Silk Road caravans, or any other channel prior to the activities of the Jesuit missionaries in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries."[11]
♠ Written records ♣ inferred absent ♥ Coded inferred present for later Xiongnu Imperial Confederation: "In several supercomplex chiefdoms the elite attempted to introduce written records (e.g. Hsiung-nu and Turks)" [12] When did this transition occur? The written records in Later Xiongnu times were mainly Chinese. "Since even the elite groups of the Xiongnu society were not particularly knowledgeable in the Chinese writing (it would be enough to mention the well known episode with the substitution of a Chanyu stamp by the order of Wang Mang), the common nomads could hardly be more literate than their leaders. Thus we may presume that the inscriptions on items from the Ivolga were made not by the Xiongnu, but by the people of the sedentary-agricultural origin and, most likely, by the immigrants or the prisoners of war from China." [13] "the early steppe peoples would not have been a promising vehicle for the diffusion of complicated, textually based knowledge; according to the Northern Wei dynastic history, the Rouran were illiterates whose leaders at first kept records of their troop numbers by piling up sheep turds as counters but eventually graduated to scratching simple marks onto pieces of wood. Not surprisingly, there is no evidence of the transmission of Chinese military theories and texts to the West by way of the Avars, other steppe nomads, Silk Road caravans, or any other channel prior to the activities of the Jesuit missionaries in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries."[14]
♠ Script ♣ inferred absent ♥ Coded inferred present for later Xiongnu Imperial Confederation: "In several supercomplex chiefdoms the elite attempted to introduce written records (e.g. Hsiung-nu and Turks)" [15] When did this transition occur? The written records in Later Xiongnu times were mainly Chinese. "Since even the elite groups of the Xiongnu society were not particularly knowledgeable in the Chinese writing (it would be enough to mention the well known episode with the substitution of a Chanyu stamp by the order of Wang Mang), the common nomads could hardly be more literate than their leaders. Thus we may presume that the inscriptions on items from the Ivolga were made not by the Xiongnu, but by the people of the sedentary-agricultural origin and, most likely, by the immigrants or the prisoners of war from China." [16] "the early steppe peoples would not have been a promising vehicle for the diffusion of complicated, textually based knowledge; according to the Northern Wei dynastic history, the Rouran were illiterates whose leaders at first kept records of their troop numbers by piling up sheep turds as counters but eventually graduated to scratching simple marks onto pieces of wood. Not surprisingly, there is no evidence of the transmission of Chinese military theories and texts to the West by way of the Avars, other steppe nomads, Silk Road caravans, or any other channel prior to the activities of the Jesuit missionaries in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries."[17]
♠ Non-phonetic writing ♣ inferred absent ♥ Probably no written records
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ inferred absent ♥ Probably no written records

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Calendar ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Religious literature ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Literacy very low. Were there any readers of literature?
♠ Practical literature ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Literacy very low. Were there any readers of literature?
♠ History ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Literacy very low. Were there any readers of literature?
♠ Philosophy ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Literacy very low. Were there any readers of literature?
♠ Scientific literature ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Literacy very low. Were there any readers of literature?
♠ Fiction ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Literacy very low. Were there any readers of literature?

Money

♠ Articles ♣ inferred present ♥ [18] Later Xiongnu Imperial Confederation coded present.
♠ Tokens ♣ inferred absent ♥ [19] Later Xiongnu Imperial Confederation coded absent.
♠ Precious metals ♣ inferred absent ♥ [20] Later Xiongnu Imperial Confederation coded absent.
♠ Foreign coins ♣ inferred absent ♥ [21] Later Xiongnu Imperial Confederation coded absent.
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ inferred absent ♥ [22] Later Xiongnu Imperial Confederation coded absent.
♠ Paper currency ♣ inferred absent ♥ [23] Later Xiongnu Imperial Confederation coded absent.

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Postal stations ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ General postal service ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Thomas Cressy ♥

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ present ♥ "The Ch’i-chia culture was broadly distributed, extending north and east into Inner Mongolia, the upper Yellow River Valley, and the upper Wei-he and Huang-shui River Valleys. Connected with earlier Neolithic cultures, such as the Ma-chia-yao, during the first half of the first millennium b.c., the Ch’i-chia people displayed cultural traits that were among the most advanced in China. Their bronze production was extensive, and they progressed from forging copper tools (knives, awls, chisels) to casting objects (knives and axes) in open molds to more complex casting using composite molds (mirrors and socketed axes)." [24]
♠ Bronze ♣ present ♥ "Bronze, Daggers, or short swords, are generally distinguished by their integral casting of hilt and double-edged blade and relatively narrow and straight hand guard. The early types, dated to the middle and late Shang dynasty, display a characteristic curved hilt, often decorated with geometric designs and featuring a terminal in the shape of an animal’s head (horse, ram, eagle, or ibex). Other early daggers have perforated hilts or have straight hilts with grooves ending in a rattle." [25]
♠ Iron ♣ inferred absent: 1300-701 BCE ; present: 700-300 BCE ♥ "...iron metallurgy developed in Mongolia only from the middle of the first millennium B.C."[26] Iron began to be used in Central Asia around the early first millennium b.c. [27] In use in Heilongjiang since around 800 BC [28]
♠ Steel ♣ inferred absent ♥ By the seventh century the "Sogdians and Turkic peoples "had their own sophisticated metallurgical industries."[29] "The other peoples who were heavily involved with arms production and trade with the Tibetans were the Turkic peoples and especially the Karluks, allies of the Tibetans during the eighth and early ninth centuries ... The Karluks ... were noted by Islamic geographers as producers and exporters of iron artifacts and weapons to Tibet and China."[30]

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Atlatl ♣ absent ♥ A new world weapon, highly unlikely to have been used here.
♠ Slings ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Self bow ♣ present ♥ "The importance of archery, and therefore of hunting, is shown by the more than 50 bow ends and 240 arrowheads discovered as well as by the horses and dogs found buried with the human dead." [31]
♠ Composite bow ♣ inferred absent: 1300-501 BCE ; present: 500-300 BCE ♥ "The first composite bow with bone reinforced 'ears', a major development, may have been used around Lake Baikal, c.500 BC. Despite many individual external differences, across the steppe, and across time, the composite bow would remain essentially uniform in construction method." [32] "Composite bows are known from both Mesopotamia and the Great Steppe from the III millennium BCE. The Scythian bow was different from the Mesopotamian one primarily in its overall dimensions - it was smaller so that it could be used from the horseback. At the same time, self bows were also in use, but because of their large size they were not suitable for use by horse riders."[33]
♠ Crossbow ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ absent ♥ First use of the counter-weight trebuchet 1165 CE at Byzantine siege of Zevgminon.[34]
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ inferred absent ♥ Gunpowder not in use at this time.
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ inferred absent ♥ Gunpowder not in use at this time.

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ suspected unknown: 1300-701 BCE ; present: 700-300 BCE ♥ "Among their weapons we find the compound bow, bronze and bone arrowheads (their arrows also contained beads that gave them a whistling effect), broadswords, short swords, lances, and maces." [35]
♠ Battle axes ♣ suspected unknown: 1300-701 BCE ; present: 700-300 BCE ♥ "During the seventh and sixth centuries B.C. several nomadic states of northern Iranian tribes came into being in Central Asia. In the west some Saka tribal confederations are mentioned in ancient Greek literature and Old Persian inscriptions, while in the east the Hsien-yün, and later the Yüeh-chih and the Hsiung-nu, tribal confederations are attested by the Chinese sources. ... Lively contacts and easy communications promoted the rise and spread of a fairly uniform nomadic culture in the steppe zone. The same types of horse-harness (bridle, bit, cheek-piece, saddle, trappings), arms (bow, bow-case, arrow and quiver, sword, battle-axe, mail) and garments (trousers, caftan, waist-girdle, boots, pointed cap) were used in the steppe zone from Central Europe to Korea."[36]
♠ Daggers ♣ present ♥ "Among the steppe riders a dagger was typically carried in all periods, and a number of dagger designs are encountered in the archaeological and artistic record." [37] "Bronze, Daggers, or short swords, are generally distinguished by their integral casting of hilt and double-edged blade and relatively narrow and straight hand guard. The early types, dated to the middle and late Shang dynasty, display a characteristic curved hilt, often decorated with geometric designs and featuring a terminal in the shape of an animal’s head (horse, ram, eagle, or ibex). Other early daggers have perforated hilts or have straight hilts with grooves ending in a rattle." [38]
♠ Swords ♣ present ♥ "Bronze, Daggers, or short swords, are generally distinguished by their integral casting of hilt and double-edged blade and relatively narrow and straight hand guard. The early types, dated to the middle and late Shang dynasty, display a characteristic curved hilt, often decorated with geometric designs and featuring a terminal in the shape of an animal’s head (horse, ram, eagle, or ibex). Other early daggers have perforated hilts or have straight hilts with grooves ending in a rattle." [39] "During the seventh and sixth centuries B.C. several nomadic states of northern Iranian tribes came into being in Central Asia. In the west some Saka tribal confederations are mentioned in ancient Greek literature and Old Persian inscriptions, while in the east the Hsien-yün, and later the Yüeh-chih and the Hsiung-nu, tribal confederations are attested by the Chinese sources. ... Lively contacts and easy communications promoted the rise and spread of a fairly uniform nomadic culture in the steppe zone. The same types of horse-harness (bridle, bit, cheek-piece, saddle, trappings), arms (bow, bow-case, arrow and quiver, sword, battle-axe, mail) and garments (trousers, caftan, waist-girdle, boots, pointed cap) were used in the steppe zone from Central Europe to Korea."[40] Ordos, Inner Mongolia: 6th-4th century BCE: 'Although bronze remained the dominant metal, the presence of iron tools and bimetallic weapons (especially swords with bronze hilts and iron blades) in sites where there was no previous trace of iron, suggest a later dating.' [41]
♠ Spears ♣ suspected unknown: 1300-701 BCE ; present: 700-300 BCE ♥ "Among their weapons we find the compound bow, bronze and bone arrowheads (their arrows also contained beads that gave them a whistling effect), broadswords, short swords, lances, and maces." [42]
♠ Polearms ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Donkeys ♣ suspected unknown: 1300-701 BCE ; inferred present: 700-300 BCE ♥ Coded as inferred present as it is a later source, but due to all the domestic animals being owned by a household, in which all males were nomadic warriors and would very likely have used domestic animals as pack animals. Sima's records state " Most of their domestic animals are horses, cows, sheep, and they also have rare animals such as camels, donkeys, mules, hinnies and other equines known as t’ao-t’u and tien-hsi. They move about according to the availability of water and pasture, have no walled towns or fixed residences, nor any agricultural activities, but each of them has a portion of land." [43]
♠ Horses ♣ absent: 1300-701 BCE ; present: 700-300 BCE ♥ "Within the diverse landscape of Inner Asia the forms of social systems and economic adaptations that were the foundation of early polities emerged after the domestication of the horse, especially after horses were used for riding (Jacobson- Tepfer 2008; Kradin 1992). By 3500 B.C. (Outram et al. 2009), the Botai culture of Kazakhstan consumed horse milk and meat and also used harnesses that probably facilitated riding. The domestication of the horse and subsequent riding, however, were not immediately followed by its widespread adoption or the transformation of local economies (Kohl 2007, p. 140). Across the Central Asian steppe—from north of the Black Sea to eastern Kazakhstan—there is substantial evidence for diverse mobile pastoralist economies, but primarily after 2500 B.C. (Benecke and von den Driesch 2003; Frachetti 2009).[...] Importantly, the horse also was the foundation for techniques of warfare that later fueled mobile pastoralist successes in their conflicts with more sedentary societies." [44] "Nevertheless, the transition to actual pastoral nomadism as practiced by horseback riders was probably not completed until the beginning of the first millennium b.c., and the first Scythian mounted archers appear on the scene only in the tenth or ninth century b.c." [45] Seshat puts the year for the region at around 700 B.C, so will use this number despite Scythians doing so beforehand.[46]
♠ Camels ♣ suspected unknown: 1300-701 BCE ; inferred present: 700-300 BCE ♥ Coded as inferred present as it is a later source, but due to all the domestic animals being owned by a household, in which all males were nomadic warriors and would very likely have used domestic animals as pack animals. Sima's records state " Most of their domestic animals are horses, cows, sheep, and they also have rare animals such as camels, donkeys, mules, hinnies and other equines known as t’ao-t’u and tien-hsi.53 They move about according to the availability of water and pasture, have no walled towns or fixed residences, nor any agricultural activities, but each of them has a portion of land.54 " [47]
♠ Elephants ♣ inferred absent ♥ Highly unlikely to have existed in Orkhon Valley, let alone used for war

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ suspected unknown: 1300-701 BCE ; present: 700-300 BCE ♥ Coded present due to the following in later Chinese sources, which are relevant for gaining insight on the weapons and armor of Steppe Nomads, as well as being mention as a general characteristic of Steppe Nomad clothing since the 8th century at least. "Even with strong crossbows that shoot far, and long halberds that hit at a distance, the Hsiung-nu would not be able to ward them off. If the armors are sturdy and the weapons sharp, if the repetition crossbows shot far, and the platoons advance together, the Hsiung-nu will not be able to withstand. If specially trained troops are quick to release (their bows) and the arrows in a single stream hit the target together, then the leather outfit and wooden shields of the Hsiung-nu will not be able to protect them. If they dismount and fight on foot, when swords and halberds clash as [the soldiers] come into close quarters, the Hsiung-nu, who lack infantry training, will not be able to cope." [48]
♠ Shields ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Helmets ♣ suspected unknown: 1300-501 BCE ; present: 500-300 BCE ♥ Bronze helmets from Iran appear to have been used by Steppe Nomads. Also Steppe Nomads in other polities have been found to use leather or other helmets, therefore I have coded this as present. "Sauromatian bronze helmets and scale or plate armor not of local production appear in the Volga River region and southern Ural Steppes in the fifth-fourth century b.c., showing an increase in the exchange economy among neighboring communities." [49]
♠ Breastplates ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Limb protection ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Chainmail ♣ inferred present ♥ "During the seventh and sixth centuries B.C. several nomadic states of northern Iranian tribes came into being in Central Asia. In the west some Saka tribal confederations are mentioned in ancient Greek literature and Old Persian inscriptions, while in the east the Hsien-yün, and later the Yüeh-chih and the Hsiung-nu, tribal confederations are attested by the Chinese sources. ... Lively contacts and easy communications promoted the rise and spread of a fairly uniform nomadic culture in the steppe zone. The same types of horse-harness (bridle, bit, cheek-piece, saddle, trappings), arms (bow, bow-case, arrow and quiver, sword, battle-axe, mail) and garments (trousers, caftan, waist-girdle, boots, pointed cap) were used in the steppe zone from Central Europe to Korea."[50]
♠ Scaled armor ♣ suspected unknown: 1300-501 BCE ; present: 500-300 BCE ♥ Scaled armor from Iran appears to have been used by Steppe Nomads and has been coded present in other Steppe polities for different reasons. "Sauromatian bronze helmets and scale or plate armor not of local production appear in the Volga River region and southern Ural Steppes in the fifth-fourth century b.c., showing an increase in the exchange economy among neighboring communities." [51] "Scale armor of leather protected his body. He carried a twig-woven quiver for a bow and sometimes more than 200 arrows, covered with leather and decorated with an umbor, an arms belt with a buckle for crossing the belts; a richly decorated quiver hook; a long spear with a massive head and spike; a short iron akinakes sword; and iron axe. This complete image recalls a picture from a novel featuring medieval western European knights; these Sarmatian 'proto-types,' however, are 2,000 years older.”[52]
♠ Laminar armor ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Plate armor ♣ suspected unknown: 1300-501 BCE ; present: 500-300 BCE ♥ Plate armor from Iran appears to have been used by Steppe Nomads and has been coded present in other Steppe polities for different reasons. "Sauromatian bronze helmets and scale or plate armor not of local production appear in the Volga River region and southern Ural Steppes in the fifth-fourth century b.c., showing an increase in the exchange economy among neighboring communities." [53]

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ inferred absent ♥ The Xiongnu were land-based steppe nomads, unlikely to have had any sort of navy
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ inferred absent ♥ The Xiongnu were land-based steppe nomads, unlikely to have had any sort of navy
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ inferred absent ♥ The Xiongnu were land-based steppe nomads, unlikely to have had any sort of navy

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ present ♥ Inferred from the Shajing people, nearby Mongolia: "people were sedentary and lived in fortified settlements surrounded by earthen walls." [54]
♠ Ditch ♣ suspected unknown ♥ 'Qarshi, built by Kebek of the Chagatai Khaganate is an example "typical of Mongolian and south Siberian cities from the Xiongnu period onwards."; it was "bounded by a strong wall, 4.5 m thick, surrounded by a deep defensive ditch, 8-10 m wide and 3.5-4 m deep, and had four gates. The original layout of the city (before Timurid additions) included one central fortress/palace surrounded by an open spaced designed for the erection of tents.'[55]
♠ Moat ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Fortified camps ♣ present ♥ Inferred from the Shajing people, nearby Mongolia:"people were sedentary and lived in fortified settlements surrounded by earthen walls." [56]
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Long walls ♣ suspected unknown ♥ km.
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥ The Xiongnu could not have had modern, canon fitted forts at this time

Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ ♥

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ ♥
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ ♥
♠ Impeachment ♣ ♥

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ inferred present ♥ During the Empire period a supreme leader ruled over "kings", which suggest kings preceded the Empire period. After the Xiongnu claimed an Empire the order of succession was initially father to son before later it more often passed from uncle to nephew.[57]

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni ♥

Deification of Rulers

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Baldick [58] provides a comprehensive summary of all that is known about Xiungnu religion. Unfortunately, however, almost none of it is relevant to these variables.

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Baldick [59] provides a comprehensive summary of all that is known about Xiungnu religion. Unfortunately, however, almost none of it is relevant to these variables.

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Baldick [60] provides a comprehensive summary of all that is known about Xiungnu religion. Unfortunately, however, almost none of it is relevant to these variables.

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Baldick [61] provides a comprehensive summary of all that is known about Xiungnu religion. Unfortunately, however, almost none of it is relevant to these variables.
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Baldick [62] provides a comprehensive summary of all that is known about Xiungnu religion. Unfortunately, however, almost none of it is relevant to these variables.

♠ Ideology reinforces prosociality ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Baldick [63] provides a comprehensive summary of all that is known about Xiungnu religion. Unfortunately, however, almost none of it is relevant to these variables.

♠ production of public goods ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Baldick [64] provides a comprehensive summary of all that is known about Xiungnu religion. Unfortunately, however, almost none of it is relevant to these variables.

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ inferred absent ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [65] [66] [67]

References

  1. ↑ (Honeychurch 2015, 221)
  2. ↑ (Yu 1990, 118)
  3. ↑ (Rogers 2012, 220)
  4. ↑ (McEvedy and Jones 1978, 160-156) McEvedy, Colin. Jones, Richard. 1978. Atlas of World Population History. Penguin Books Ltd. London.
  5. ↑ (McEvedy and Jones 1978, 160-156) McEvedy, Colin. Jones, Richard. 1978. Atlas of World Population History. Penguin Books Ltd. London.
  6. ↑ (McEvedy and Jones 1978, 160-156) McEvedy, Colin. Jones, Richard. 1978. Atlas of World Population History. Penguin Books Ltd. London.
  7. ↑ (Rogers 2012, 220)
  8. ↑ (Kradin 2015, personal communication)
  9. ↑ (Rogers 2012, 220)
  10. ↑ (Kradin 2015, personal communication)
  11. ↑ (Graff 2016, 146) David A Graff. 2016. The Eurasian Way of War. Military practice in seventh-century China and Byzantium. Routledge. Abingdon.
  12. ↑ (Kradin 2002, 373)
  13. ↑ (Kradin 2014, 90)
  14. ↑ (Graff 2016, 146) David A Graff. 2016. The Eurasian Way of War. Military practice in seventh-century China and Byzantium. Routledge. Abingdon.
  15. ↑ (Kradin 2002, 373)
  16. ↑ (Kradin 2014, 90)
  17. ↑ (Graff 2016, 146) David A Graff. 2016. The Eurasian Way of War. Military practice in seventh-century China and Byzantium. Routledge. Abingdon.
  18. ↑ (Kradin 2015, personal communication)
  19. ↑ (Kradin 2015, personal communication)
  20. ↑ (Kradin 2015, personal communication)
  21. ↑ (Kradin 2015, personal communication)
  22. ↑ (Kradin 2015, personal communication)
  23. ↑ (Kradin 2015, personal communication)
  24. ↑ Nicola Di Cosmo. 2002. Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, p. 46
  25. ↑ Nicola Di Cosmo. 2002. Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, p. 50
  26. ↑ Nicola Di Cosmo. 2002. Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, p. 70
  27. ↑ Nicola Di Cosmo. 2002. Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, p. 39
  28. ↑ Nicola Di Cosmo. 2002. Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, p. 65
  29. ↑ (Clarke 2006, 21-22) John Clarke. A History of Ironworking in Tibet: Centers of Production, Styles, and Techniques. Donald J LaRocca. ed. 2006. Warriors of the Himalayas: Rediscovering the Arms and Armor of Tibet. Yale University Press. New Haven.
  30. ↑ (Clarke 2006, 22) John Clarke. A History of Ironworking in Tibet: Centers of Production, Styles, and Techniques. Donald J LaRocca. ed. 2006. Warriors of the Himalayas: Rediscovering the Arms and Armor of Tibet. Yale University Press. New Haven.
  31. ↑ Nicola Di Cosmo. 2002. Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, p. 73
  32. ↑ (Karasulas 2004, 19)
  33. ↑ Sergey A Nefedov, RAN Institute of History and Archaeology, Yekaterinburg, Russia. Personal Communication to Peter Turchin. January 2018.
  34. ↑ (Turnball 2002) Turnball, S. 2002. Siege Weapons of the Far East (1): AD 612-1300. Osprey Publishing.
  35. ↑ (Golden 1992, 60)
  36. ↑ (Harmatta 1994, 476-477) Harmatta, J. Conclusion. in Harmatta, Janos. Puri, B. N. Etemadi, G. F. eds. 1994. History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Volume II. The development of sedentary and nomadic civilizatins 700 B.C. to A.D. 250. UNESCO Publishing.
  37. ↑ (Karasulas 2004, 28)
  38. ↑ Nicola Di Cosmo. 2002. Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, p. 50
  39. ↑ Nicola Di Cosmo. 2002. Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, p. 50
  40. ↑ (Harmatta 1994, 476-477) Harmatta, J. Conclusion. in Harmatta, Janos. Puri, B. N. Etemadi, G. F. eds. 1994. History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Volume II. The development of sedentary and nomadic civilizatins 700 B.C. to A.D. 250. UNESCO Publishing.
  41. ↑ Nicola Di Cosmo. 2002. Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, p. 58
  42. ↑ (Golden 1992, 60)
  43. ↑ Nicola Di Cosmo. 2002. Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, p. 272
  44. ↑ (Rogers 2012, 209)
  45. ↑ Di Cosmo 2002, 27
  46. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/mounted_warfare/
  47. ↑ Nicola Di Cosmo. 2002. Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, p. 272
  48. ↑ Nicola Di Cosmo. 2002. Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, p. 203
  49. ↑ Nicola Di Cosmo. 2002. Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, p. 42
  50. ↑ (Harmatta 1994, 476-477) Harmatta, J. Conclusion. in Harmatta, Janos. Puri, B. N. Etemadi, G. F. eds. 1994. History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Volume II. The development of sedentary and nomadic civilizatins 700 B.C. to A.D. 250. UNESCO Publishing.
  51. ↑ Nicola Di Cosmo. 2002. Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, p. 42
  52. ↑ (Yablonsky 2010, 142) Leonid Teodorovich Yablonsky. Jan 2010. New Excavations of the Early Nomadic Burial Ground at Filippovka (Southern Ural Region, Russia). American Journal of Archaeology. Vol. 114. No. 1. pp. 129-143.
  53. ↑ Nicola Di Cosmo. 2002. Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, p. 42
  54. ↑ Nicola Di Cosmo. 2002. Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, p. 46
  55. ↑ (Biran 2013, 271-272) Michal Biran. Rulers and City Life in Mongal Central Asia (1220-1370) David Durand-Guedy. Turko-Mongol Rulers, Cities and City Life. BRILL. Leiden.
  56. ↑ Nicola Di Cosmo. 2002. Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, p. 46
  57. ↑ (Kradin 2014, 142)
  58. ↑ Baldick, J. 2012. Animal and Shaman: Ancient Religions of Central Asia pp. 22-25. London: I.B. Tauris.
  59. ↑ Baldick, J. 2012. Animal and Shaman: Ancient Religions of Central Asia pp. 22-25. London: I.B. Tauris.
  60. ↑ Baldick, J. 2012. Animal and Shaman: Ancient Religions of Central Asia pp. 22-25. London: I.B. Tauris.
  61. ↑ Baldick, J. 2012. Animal and Shaman: Ancient Religions of Central Asia pp. 22-25. London: I.B. Tauris.
  62. ↑ Baldick, J. 2012. Animal and Shaman: Ancient Religions of Central Asia pp. 22-25. London: I.B. Tauris.
  63. ↑ Baldick, J. 2012. Animal and Shaman: Ancient Religions of Central Asia pp. 22-25. London: I.B. Tauris.
  64. ↑ Baldick, J. 2012. Animal and Shaman: Ancient Religions of Central Asia pp. 22-25. London: I.B. Tauris.
  65. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-acknowledgements.html
  66. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-narratives.html
  67. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-nga_tables.html


Rogers, J. D. 2012. Inner Asian States and Empires: Theories and Synthesis. Journal of Archaeological Research 20:205-256

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