MlJeJe3

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Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner; Enrico Cioni ♥ General description written by EC.

♠ Original name ♣ Jenne-jeno III ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ Jenne-jeno Phase III; Djoboro; Do-Dojobor; Zoboro; Old Jenne; Djenne-jeno ♥ Djoboro[1], Do-Dojobor and Zoboro. [2] Jenne-jeno ("Old Jenne"; Djenne-jeno) [3]

♠ Peak Date ♣ 899 CE ♥

Phase III: 400-900 CE. Urban expansion. apogee 750-1150 CE. [4]

"Jenne-jeno's floruit: 450-1100 C.E."[5]

"Jenne-jeno's floruit between 800-1000 C.E."[6]

Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 400-899 CE ♥

Phase III: 400-900 CE.[7]

Jenne-Jeno: town certainly existed 400-900 CE and it "developed greatly during the following period, from 900 to 1400." Important centre for regional trade, not linked to Saharan trade. [8]

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ quasi-polity ♥

There is no evidence of a hierarchical social system and centralized control[9]

Jenne-jeno was "a large, complex, but non-coercive urban settlement."[10] "the demands of specialization pushed groups apart while the requirements of a generalized economy pulled them together ... created a dynamism that ensured growth and the establishment of urban settlements. And they were non-coercive settlements. Groups congregated by choice. This is an instance of transformation from a rural to an urban society that did not establish a hierarchical society and coercive centralized control... The process in the delta and at Jenne-jeno in particular, was one of 'complexification' rather than centralization."[11]

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ Jenne-jeno II ♥
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ continuation ♥
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ Jenne-Jeno IV ♥
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ Jenne Culture ♥ Earlier coded as Sahel Tell Culture. In this more developed phase there presumably developed a more distinct local identity, so the supracultural entity will be a much smaller area. Al Sa'di's describes the territory of Jenne as "from Lake Debo in the north to the Volta Bend in the south, and borders on the Bandiagara highlands to the east. It is not clear whether Jenne's territory was defined by political suzerainty, economic domination, or some other means entirely."[12]
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ 25,000 ♥ km squared. Al Sa'di's describes the territory of Jenne as "from Lake Debo in the north to the Volta Bend in the south, and borders on the Bandiagara highlands to the east. It is not clear whether Jenne's territory was defined by political suzerainty, economic domination, or some other means entirely."[13] With Google area calculator this works out at about 25,000 km2.

♠ Capital ♣ ♥


♠ Language ♣ ♥

General Description

The archaeological site of Jenne-jeno (or Djenné-djenno) is a mound located in the Niger Inland Delta, a region of West Africa just south of the Sahara and part of modern-day Mali, characterized by lakes and floodplains. It was continuously inhabited between 250 BCE and 1400 CE. 'Jenne-jeno III' refers to the period from 400 to 900 CE. This roughly corresponds to the region's 'urban prosperity' phase.[14] Though subsistence strategies remained largely unchanged, a number of important transformations occurred: the inhabitants of Jenne-jeno grew in number, established long-distance trade networks, and developed more sophisticated metalworking techniques.[15][16]

Population and political organization

Between 400 and 800 CE, Jenne-jeno grew from 25 to 33 hectares. Population density was likely high, and a conservative estimate puts the population of Jenne-jeno and its satellites within a one-kilometre radius at 10,000-26,000 people around 800 CE.[17]
The political organization of Jenne-jeno may have been quite different from that of other ancient cities. In several decades of excavation, clear evidence for hierarchies of any kind has yet to be unearthed: it seems that Jenne-jeno had no palaces, rich tombs, temples, public buildings, or monumental architecture. Indeed, the city's very layout ‒ an assemblage of dispersed clusters ‒ suggests a resistance to centralization.[18] It is possible that, at this time, Niger Inland Delta society was organized 'heterarchically' rather than hierarchically: that is, it was divided into multiple components, each deriving authority from separate or overlapping sources, with mechanisms in place to prevent any one group from monopolizing power.[19]

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ 1,100 ♥ in squared kilometers

1,100 square kilometer hinterland [20]

"over 60 archaeological sites rise from the floodplain within a 4 kilometer radius of the modern town"[21]

"The mound that rose from the Niger floodplain with the growth of Jenne-jeno did not stand alone. Indeed, it was surrounded by twenty-five smaller mounds, all within a distance of one kilometre, all occupied simultaneously. The total surface area of Jenne-jeno and its satellites was 69 hectares; the total population when most densely occupied approached 27,000."[22]

♠ Polity Population ♣ [10,000-26,000] ♥ People. According to the most up-to-date estimate. "Archaeologists shrink (with justification) from making population estimates; let us just guess at a low-end figure of 10,000 to 26,000 people in Jenne-jeno and the 1-kilometer radius satellites (see below) by AD 800 (S. McIntosh 1995: 395)."[23].

"The mound that rose from the Niger floodplain with the growth of Jenne-jeno did not stand alone. Indeed, it was surrounded by twenty-five smaller mounds, all within a distance of one kilometre, all occupied simultaneously. The total surface area of Jenne-jeno and its satellites was 69 hectares; the total population when most densely occupied approached 27,000."[24]

"At its most densely populated (around AD 800) Jenne-jeno housed up to 27,000 people.[25]


♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ [7,000-8,000] ♥ Inhabitants. The most up-to-date source[26] cites S. McIntosh's 1995 population estimate for the wider Jenne-jeno area: "Archaeologists shrink (with justification) from making population estimates; let us just guess at a low-end figure of 10,000 to 26,000 people in Jenne-jeno and the 1-kilometer radius satellites (see below) by AD 800 (S. McIntosh 1995: 395)."[27]. As for Jenne-jeno itself, the 1995 document suggests a population of about 7,300[28]

"At its most densely populated (around AD 800) Jenne-jeno housed up to 27,000 people.[29]

Estimate hectare size phase II:

settlement size "possibly exceeding 10 hectares" [30]
1977 archaeological investigation established the 3rd century BCE date and showed that by the eighth-ninth century it had become "an urban center of considerable proportions" [31]

Estimated hectare size early phase III:

"by 450 C.E., the settlement had expanded to at least 25 hectares (over 60 acres)."[32]

Estimate size at height phase III/phase IV:

"The total surface area of Jenne-jeno and its satellites was 69 hectares; the total population when most densely occupied approached 27,000."[33]
"At its most densely populated (around AD 800) Jenne-jeno housed up to 27,000 people.[34]
33 hectares. 9 hectare Hambarketolo connects to Jenne-jeno via an earthern dike. [35] this maximum area extent by 900-1000 CE[36]
"During this time, the settlement continued to grow, reaching its maximum area of 33 hectares by 850 C.E. We know that this is so because sherds of the distinctive painted pottery that was produced at Jenne-jeno only between 450-850 C.E. are present in all our excavation units, even those near the edge of the mound. And we find them at the neighboring mound of Hambarketolo, too, suggesting that these two connected sites totaling 41 hectares (100 acres) functioned as part of a single town complex (Pl. 4). [37]


modern town of Jenne (to be distinguished from ancient Jenne-jeno) was occupied by 500 CE. [38]


Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ 3 ♥ levels.

1. Town (20,000-30,000 people)

2. Large village (2,000 people)
3. Small agricultural settlement

"During the late first millennium A.D., several nearby settlements comparable in size to Jenne-jeno existed, and the density of rural settlements may have been as great as ten times the density of villages in the hinterland today." [39]

"The mound that rose from the Niger floodplain with the growth of Jenne-jeno did not stand alone. Indeed, it was surrounded by twenty-five smaller mounds, all within a distance of one kilometre, all occupied simultaneously."[40]

"people were kept apart by virtue of their occupations and their ethnic identities. Sedentary communities, though clustered were dispersed."[41]

"Sudanic societies were built on small agricultural villages or herding communities, sometimes but not always integrated into larger tribal and linguistic groups." [42]

"In the deposits dated from the fifth century, there are definite indications that the organization of society is changing... The round houses at Jenne-jeno were constructed with tauf, or puddled mud, foundations, from the fifth to the ninth century." [43]

"As we currently understand the archaeology of the entire Jenne region, where over 60 archaeological sites rise from the floodplain within a 4 kilometer radius of the modern town (Pl. 7) , many of these sites were occupied at the time of Jenne-jeno's floruit between 800-1000 C.E.. We have suggested that extraordinary settlement clustering resulted from a clumping of population around a rare conjunction of highly desirable features (Pl. 8) : excellent rice-growing soils, levees for pasture in the flood season, deep basin for pasture in the dry season and access to both major river channels and the entire inland system of secondary and tertiary marigots from communication and trade." [44]


♠ Administrative levels ♣ [1-2] ♥ levels.

At this time, polities in the Niger Inland Delta may have been organized 'heterarchically' rather than hierarchically: divided into multiple components, each deriving authority from separate or overlapping sources, with mechanisms in place to prevent any one group from monopolizing power.[45]

There is no evidence of a hierarchical social system[46] Jenne-jeno was "a large, complex, but non-coercive urban settlement."[47] "the demands of specialization pushed groups apart while the requirements of a generalized economy pulled them together ... created a dynamism that ensured growth and the establishment of urban settlements. And they were non-coercive settlements. Groups congregated by choice. This is an instance of transformation from a rural to an urban society that did not establish a hierarchical society and coercive centralized control... The process in the delta and at Jenne-jeno in particular, was one of 'complexification' rather than centralization."[48]

Clan

(General reference for West African states) "the basic social and political unit appears in the past to have been the small local group, bound together by ties of kinship. When a number of groups came together they formed a clan. The heads of local clans were usually responsible for certain religious rites connected with the land." [49]

Kinship group

(General reference for West African states) "the basic social and political unit appears in the past to have been the small local group, bound together by ties of kinship. When a number of groups came together they formed a clan. The heads of local clans were usually responsible for certain religious rites connected with the land." [50]


In West Africa "Early states were simple in their government ... Some were ruled by a single chief or king and his counsellors. Others were governed by a council of chiefs or elders. Others again were formed by several neighbouring peoples whose chiefs were bound in loyalty to one another. Elsewhere, at the same time, there were people who found it better to get along without any chiefs."[51]

"Traditional groups such as clans ... or age-sets of people born at about the same time, had influence in these early states, as in later times, because they could underpin a system of law and order."[52]

♠ Religious levels ♣ ♥ levels.

At Jenne-jeno no evidence of "social ranking or authoritarian institutions such as a 'temple elite' has been found.[53]

♠ Military levels ♣ ♥ levels.

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ inferred absent ♥ Full-time specialists

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ absent ♥ At Jenne-jeno no evidence of "social ranking or authoritarian institutions such as a 'temple elite' has been found.[54] 'In several decades of excavation, clear evidence for hierarchies of any kind has yet to be unearthed: it seems that Jenne-jeno had no palaces, rich tombs, temples, public buildings, or monumental architecture. Indeed, the city's very layout ‒ an assemblage of dispersed clusters - suggests a resistance to centralization.'[55]

Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ absent ♥ At Jenne-jeno no evidence of "social ranking or authoritarian institutions such as a 'temple elite' has been found.[56]

'In several decades of excavation, clear evidence for hierarchies of any kind has yet to be unearthed: it seems that Jenne-jeno had no palaces, rich tombs, temples, public buildings, or monumental architecture. Indeed, the city's very layout ‒ an assemblage of dispersed clusters - suggests a resistance to centralization.'[57]

♠ Examination system ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Merit promotion ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Judges ♣ inferred absent ♥ 'In several decades of excavation, clear evidence for hierarchies of any kind has yet to be unearthed: it seems that Jenne-jeno had no palaces, rich tombs, temples, public buildings, or monumental architecture. Indeed, the city's very layout ‒ an assemblage of dispersed clusters - suggests a resistance to centralization.'[58]

♠ Courts ♣ inferred absent ♥ 'In several decades of excavation, clear evidence for hierarchies of any kind has yet to be unearthed: it seems that Jenne-jeno had no palaces, rich tombs, temples, public buildings, or monumental architecture. Indeed, the city's very layout ‒ an assemblage of dispersed clusters - suggests a resistance to centralization.'[59]

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ present ♥ 50-400 CE West African rice (Oryza glaberrima) domesticated. [60] In the Inland Delta region irrigation systems are unnecessary due to the annual inundation of the Niger river. Domesticated rice planted before the flood grows high enough to sprout above the flood waters. However, "Archaeological evidence affirms that the building of terraces and irrigation canals in sub-Saharan Africa pre-dates external influence..." [61] which suggests that irrigation systems are present in the archaeological sub-tradition.
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ markets ♣ inferred present ♥ "There may have been an open market place in a central location. The whole residential sector was enclosed by a wall built of solid rows of cylindrical mud brick, 3.6 meters wide at the base." c800 CE.[62]
♠ food storage sites ♣ inferred present ♥ Level of urbanism and domestication of rice and irrigation systems might suggest agricultural surpluses may have been possible and these could have been stored.

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Bridges ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Canals ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Ports ♣ inferred present ♥ "The middle section of the Niger, linking Timbuktu to Djenne (about 400 km upstream), and to Gao (about the same distance downstream), was the busiest inland waterway in West Africa... With its development, water transport transformed the middle Niger into one of the great centres of indigenous trade in Africa. It encouraged the growth of specialized occupations, such as the building and operation of canoes; it lead to the development of specialized ports on the water-ways; and it contributed to the political and economic homogeneity of the region." [63]

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ present ♥ iron mining[64] stone quarries, copper mines [65] Iron Age from 600 BCE in West Africa (e.g. Benue valley in Nigeria and upper Niger River) "the development and spread of the basic technologies of metal production and the forging and smithing of metal tools, notably in iron."[66]

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ present ♥ oral tradition sources. [67]
♠ Written records ♣ absent ♥ "There are no written records of any description to throw light on the history of West Africa before 900 A.D." [68] "The West Africans who laid the foundations of their medieval empires during the centuries before 900 C.E. did not develop a written language they could use to record historical events."[69] Oldest example of writing in West Africa c1100 CE tomb inscription at Gao.[70]
♠ Script ♣ absent ♥ "There are no written records of any description to throw light on the history of West Africa before 900 A.D." [71] "The West Africans who laid the foundations of their medieval empires during the centuries before 900 C.E. did not develop a written language they could use to record historical events."[72] Oldest example of writing in West Africa c1100 CE tomb inscription at Gao.[73]
♠ Non-phonetic writing ♣ absent ♥ "There are no written records of any description to throw light on the history of West Africa before 900 A.D." [74] "The West Africans who laid the foundations of their medieval empires during the centuries before 900 C.E. did not develop a written language they could use to record historical events."[75] Oldest example of writing in West Africa c1100 CE tomb inscription at Gao.[76]
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ absent ♥ "There are no written records of any description to throw light on the history of West Africa before 900 A.D." [77] "The West Africans who laid the foundations of their medieval empires during the centuries before 900 C.E. did not develop a written language they could use to record historical events."[78] Oldest example of writing in West Africa c1100 CE tomb inscription at Gao.[79]

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ absent ♥ "There are no written records of any description to throw light on the history of West Africa before 900 A.D." [80] "The West Africans who laid the foundations of their medieval empires during the centuries before 900 C.E. did not develop a written language they could use to record historical events."[81] Oldest example of writing in West Africa c1100 CE tomb inscription at Gao.[82]
♠ Calendar ♣ absent ♥ "There are no written records of any description to throw light on the history of West Africa before 900 A.D." [83] "The West Africans who laid the foundations of their medieval empires during the centuries before 900 C.E. did not develop a written language they could use to record historical events."[84] Oldest example of writing in West Africa c1100 CE tomb inscription at Gao.[85]
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ absent ♥ "There are no written records of any description to throw light on the history of West Africa before 900 A.D." [86] "The West Africans who laid the foundations of their medieval empires during the centuries before 900 C.E. did not develop a written language they could use to record historical events."[87] Oldest example of writing in West Africa c1100 CE tomb inscription at Gao.[88]
♠ Religious literature ♣ absent ♥ "There are no written records of any description to throw light on the history of West Africa before 900 A.D." [89] "The West Africans who laid the foundations of their medieval empires during the centuries before 900 C.E. did not develop a written language they could use to record historical events."[90] Oldest example of writing in West Africa c1100 CE tomb inscription at Gao.[91]
♠ Practical literature ♣ absent ♥ "There are no written records of any description to throw light on the history of West Africa before 900 A.D." [92] "The West Africans who laid the foundations of their medieval empires during the centuries before 900 C.E. did not develop a written language they could use to record historical events."[93] Oldest example of writing in West Africa c1100 CE tomb inscription at Gao.[94]
♠ History ♣ absent ♥ "There are no written records of any description to throw light on the history of West Africa before 900 A.D." [95] "The West Africans who laid the foundations of their medieval empires during the centuries before 900 C.E. did not develop a written language they could use to record historical events."[96] Oldest example of writing in West Africa c1100 CE tomb inscription at Gao.[97]
♠ Philosophy ♣ absent ♥ "There are no written records of any description to throw light on the history of West Africa before 900 A.D." [98] "The West Africans who laid the foundations of their medieval empires during the centuries before 900 C.E. did not develop a written language they could use to record historical events."[99] Oldest example of writing in West Africa c1100 CE tomb inscription at Gao.[100]
♠ Scientific literature ♣ absent ♥ "There are no written records of any description to throw light on the history of West Africa before 900 A.D." [101] "The West Africans who laid the foundations of their medieval empires during the centuries before 900 C.E. did not develop a written language they could use to record historical events."[102] Oldest example of writing in West Africa c1100 CE tomb inscription at Gao.[103]
♠ Fiction ♣ inferred absent ♥ "There are no written records of any description to throw light on the history of West Africa before 900 A.D." [104] "The West Africans who laid the foundations of their medieval empires during the centuries before 900 C.E. did not develop a written language they could use to record historical events."[105] Oldest example of writing in West Africa c1100 CE tomb inscription at Gao.[106]


Money

♠ Articles ♣ inferred present ♥ barter economy and no professional merchants. "The non-essential items and foreign durables found at sites remote from their point of origin were traded from village to village, in relays, as part of what was certainly a vigorous trade in essential goods between local centres." [107]
♠ Tokens ♣ suspected unknown ♥ check for cowrie shells.
♠ Precious metals ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Foreign coins ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Paper currency ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Level of urbanism and economic development (e.g. market and port) might suggest a messenger would have been necessary.
♠ Postal stations ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ General postal service ♣ inferred absent ♥

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner ♥ These codes were developed at Seshat archaeological Workshops in Oxford, 2014 and 2017

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Bronze ♣ absent ♥
♠ Iron ♣ [absent; present] ♥ Iron Age from 600 BCE in West Africa (e.g. Benue valley in Nigeria and upper Niger River) "the development and spread of the basic technologies of metal production and the forging and smithing of metal tools, notably in iron."[108] "Iron-headed hoes, probably invented some time after iron-pointed spears."[109] "Iron also brought, from about 600 BC onwards, a new source of military power."[110]
♠ Steel ♣ absent ♥

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ [absent; present] ♥ weapons: "clubs, bows and arrows, and spears" however they were most often used to acquire food [111]
♠ Atlatl ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Slings ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Self bow ♣ [absent; present] ♥ weapons: "clubs, bows and arrows, and spears" however they were most often used to acquire food [112]
♠ Composite bow ♣ absent ♥
♠ Crossbow ♣ absent ♥
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ absent ♥
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ absent ♥
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ absent ♥
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ absent ♥

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ inferred present ♥ weapons: "clubs, bows and arrows, and spears" however they were most often used to acquire food [113]
♠ Battle axes ♣ absent ♥
♠ Daggers ♣ inferred absent ♥ Inferred from the absence of daggers in previous and subsequent polities in the Niger Inland Delta.
♠ Swords ♣ absent ♥
♠ Spears ♣ inferred absent ♥ Inferred from the absence of spears in previous and subsequent polities in the Niger Inland Delta.
♠ Polearms ♣ inferred absent ♥ Inferred from the absence of polearms in previous and subsequent polities in the Niger Inland Delta.

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ absent ♥
♠ Donkeys ♣ absent ♥
♠ Horses ♣ absent ♥ "The earliest irrefutable evidence of horses in sub-Saharan Africa comes from the Arabic texts, beginning with the writings of Al-Muhallabi from about AD 985. By then, however, the horse was a highly valued prestige animal, and camels were the vehicle of trans-Saharan trade."[114]
♠ Camels ♣ absent ♥ "The earliest irrefutable evidence of horses in sub-Saharan Africa comes from the Arabic texts, beginning with the writings of Al-Muhallabi from about AD 985. By then, however, the horse was a highly valued prestige animal, and camels were the vehicle of trans-Saharan trade."[115]
♠ Elephants ♣ absent ♥

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ absent ♥
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ absent ♥
♠ Shields ♣ absent ♥
♠ Helmets ♣ absent ♥
♠ Breastplates ♣ absent ♥
♠ Limb protection ♣ absent ♥
♠ Chainmail ♣ absent ♥
♠ Scaled armor ♣ absent ♥
♠ Laminar armor ♣ absent ♥
♠ Plate armor ♣ absent ♥

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ absent ♥
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ absent ♥

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ inferred absent ♥ no evidence of "external threats to Jenne-jeno, so if the wall was built for defensive purposes, it probably was with the intention of protecting the settlement from high and destructive floods; or else the wall served to control access to the market place and trade." [116]
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ inferred absent ♥ no evidence of "external threats to Jenne-jeno" [117]
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ inferred absent ♥ no evidence of "external threats to Jenne-jeno" [118]
♠ Ditch ♣ absent ♥ no evidence of "external threats to Jenne-jeno" [119]
♠ Moat ♣ absent ♥ no evidence of "external threats to Jenne-jeno" [120]
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ absent ♥ hypothesised non-defensive functional wall was built with mud [121]
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ absent ♥ hypothesised non-defensive functional wall was built with mud [122]
♠ Fortified camps ♣ inferred absent ♥ no evidence of "external threats to Jenne-jeno" [123]
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ absent ♥ no citadel[124]
♠ Long walls ♣ suspected unknown ♥ km.
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥


Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner ♥

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ inferred absent ♥ Jenne-Jeno in its most developed phase after 900 CE probably had authority "shared amongst many corporate groups rather than being the monopoly of a charismatic individual (in Weber's sense) or of one bureaucratic lineage"[125] so before 900 CE any administrative organization would unlikely have been more developed than this. At this early time it appears there may have been virtually no executive (no kingship), but since formal government institutions are not reflected in the archaeology we can say that whatever did exist was not held back by government.
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ inferred present ♥ Jenne-Jeno in its most developed phase after 900 CE probably had authority "shared amongst many corporate groups rather than being the monopoly of a charismatic individual (in Weber's sense) or of one bureaucratic lineage"[126] so before 900 CE any administrative organization would unlikely have been more developed than this. At this early time it appears there may have been virtually no executive (no kingship), and since formal government institutions are not reflected in the archaeology we can say that whatever did exist was not held back by government. Therefore we can infer that the lack of executive was due to constraint by non-government.
♠ Impeachment ♣ absent ♥

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Agathe Dupreyon; Edward A L Turner ♥

Deification of Rulers

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥ NOTE: The following quote, previously used to justify an "inferred present" code, does not clearly and explicitly refer to the exact time period in question, and is written by a non-specialist (EC). In West Africa "What emerges from the records of research, centrally, is that all these peoples awarded supreme power to an idea of God as controlling everything and everyone, but doing this indirectly through subordinate spiritual powers. From this governing concept they derived ... a ruling morality for everyday life: the power of God, they held, would always reward right behaviour and punish wrong behaviour."[127] "Like the Europeans of the Middle Ages (AD 600-1350), Africans lived in an 'age of faith'. They believed, in short, that political authority came not from men or women but from God and the spirits. Those who exercised power on earth could do so, in other words, only if they were accepted as speaking and acting with the good will of their departed ancestors, who, in turn, were their protectors and helpers in the world of the spirits. Rulers could only rule if they were spiritually appointed to do so; and their subjects obeyed them not simply from respect for the king's power and law, but also for reasons of religion."[128]

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥ NOTE: The following quote, previously used to justify an "inferred present" code, does not clearly and explicitly refer to the exact time period in question, and is written by a non-specialist (EC). In West Africa "What emerges from the records of research, centrally, is that all these peoples awarded supreme power to an idea of God as controlling everything and everyone, but doing this indirectly through subordinate spiritual powers. From this governing concept they derived ... a ruling morality for everyday life: the power of God, they held, would always reward right behaviour and punish wrong behaviour."[129]

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ ♥

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ ♥
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ ♥

♠ Ideology reinforces prosociality ♣ suspected unknown ♥ NOTE: The following quote, previously used to justify an "[absent; present]" code, does not clearly and explicitly refer to the exact time period in question, and is written by a non-specialist (EC). In West Africa "What emerges from the records of research, centrally, is that all these peoples awarded supreme power to an idea of God as controlling everything and everyone, but doing this indirectly through subordinate spiritual powers. From this governing concept they derived ... a ruling morality for everyday life: the power of God, they held, would always reward right behaviour and punish wrong behaviour."[130]

♠ production of public goods ♣ ♥

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ unknown ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [131] [132] [133]

References

  1. (McIntosh and McIntosh 1981, 1)
  2. (McIntosh and McIntosh 1981, 9)
  3. (http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/ind_1/hd_ind_1.htm)
  4. (McIntosh and McIntosh 1981, 16)
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