IrNElm1

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Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ ♥

♠ Original name ♣ Elam ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ Elam - Neo-Elamite I ♥

♠ Peak Date ♣ ♥


Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 900-744 BCE ♥

Neo-Elamite I c.1000-744 BCE.[1]

Steve (1992) divided Neo-Elamite I period into two phases 1000-900 BCE and by implication 900-744 BCE.[2]

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ {quasi-polity; confederated state} ♥ "It is also likely that, under intense Assyrian pressure, Elam as it had existed in the Middle Elamite period was no longer a unified state linking the highlands of Fars and the lowlands of Khuzistan, and that individual cities, such as Hidalu or Madaktu, were no longer bound by the authority of a single Elamite king at any one time." [3] However, Diakonoff says: 'When we next hear of Elam - in the annals of the Assyrian king Šamšī-Adad V under the year 821 B.C. - the news is of a civil war waged inside a still existing big state'.[4] JR: The view that the Elamite state was fragmented in the early 1st millennium BCE appears to be less popular now. We asked Wouter Henkelman about the degree of centralization in Elam in the first half of the 1st millennium BCE as a whole. He told us that 'the ascending view is that Elam was an organised and centralised state up until the Assyrian invasions' (of the mid-7th century BCE).[5] For this reason, I've coded for scholarly disagreement.

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ ♥

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ Elam - Crisis Period ♥
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ ♥
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ Elam - Neo-Elamite II ♥
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ ♥
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ ♥ km squared.

♠ Capital ♣ Susa ♥ Probably Susa. The site was still occupied between 1000 and 725/700 BCE. [6]


♠ Language ♣ ♥

General Description

General Description

The period between c. 1100 and the mid-8th century BCE has been seen as one of decline for the Elamite civilization,[7][8] which had by that time occupied the highlands of the south-western Iranian plateau and the fertile lowlands of the Susiana plain for over a millennium. These historically obscure centuries represent a transitional phase between the Middle Elamite and Neo-Elamite Kingdoms. Following M.-J. Steve, we have split the period at 900 BCE, resulting in a 'crisis phase' between 1100 and 900 and an early Neo-Elamite period between 900 and 744 BCE.[9]
In his 'Elamite war' of 1125-1104 BCE, the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar I invaded Elam and forced the Elamite king Hutelutush-Inshushinak to abandon Susa.[10][11] After this date, there is a drastic reduction in written sources for the history of Elam, both in Mesopotamian documents (either Babylonian or Assyrian) and in inscriptions and tablets from Elam itself.[12] The traditional interpretation has been that there was a disintegration of centralized authority in Elam between the Babylonian invasion and the reemergence of well-attested Elamite kings in the 8th century BCE.[13] However, some scholars question this, pointing out that systematic archaeological excavation of many Elamite sites has yet to be carried out.[14] Further, the gaps in the Mesopotamian historical sources, instead of reflecting the disappearance of Elam as a political entity, may be a function of the political crises and famine that affected Assyria and Babylonia during this period.[15]

Population and political organization

Due to a scarcity of evidence, the political organization of Elam in the centuries between c. 1100 and 744 BCE remain unclear. Some archaeologists and historians argue that Elam split into multiple autonomous chiefdoms after the Babylonian invasion,[16] while others believe it maintained its unity as an organized and centralized state.[17] Documents excavated at the site of Anshan dating to the 11th century BCE hint at the survival of some form of royal administration, at least in the highlands.[18]
Secure population estimates for the area under Elamite control in this period are lacking.

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ ♥ in squared kilometers

"When we next hear of Elam — in the annals of the Assyrian king Samsi-Adad V under the year 821 BC — the news is of a civil war waged inside a still existing big state, reaching 'from Bit Bunaki to Parsuas', i.e. apparently from a region south of Kirmanshah to Fars. Parsuas is here, as we shall attempt to show below, probably already a small kingdom inhabited by Iranian-speaking Persians. However, this is but a casual entry in the Assyrian annals; no other sources on Elam have come down to us from either the ninth or the greater part of the 8th century." [19]

♠ Polity Population ♣ ♥ People.

"Before the Islamic conquest, major concentration of settlement were always localized in the following three major regions: the central Zagros, the lowland steppe, and Marv Dasht. These probably correspond, respectively, with Shimashki, Susa, and Anshan, the three most important historical entities in southwest Iran (Vallat 1980:6). Each major concentration of settlement contained at least one large urban area."[20]

♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ ♥ Inhabitants.

Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ [3-5] ♥ levels. The following polity, Neo-Elamites 2, had four levels. We can infer that the Neo Elamites 1 would have a similar range of settlement ranks.

1. Large cities. Susa. Madaktu, identified as Tepe Patak, a 6 ha site, although this is debated [21]

2. Small cities. In his annals Sennacherib (an Assyrian king) describes destroying the 'strong cities' and the 'small cities' [22]. This infers heirarchy between different cities.
3. towns
4. villages

According to Quintana, there were 14 royal cities (main cities), with their territories; 12 districts and 20 cities near the boundary with Hidalu. "En su saqueo del territorio elamita, allá por el año 646 a.C., nos dice que destruyó 14 ciudades reales, es decir principales, con sus territorios, 12 distritos y 20 ciudades de la frontera con Hidalu, en una distancia de 60 beru (entre 650 y 700 kms): “asolé Elam hasta su más lejana frontera,” dice. Otro texto del mismo rey asegura: “todo el país de Elam abatí como un diluvio,” confirmando así que recorrió todo el territorio elamita (Weidner 1931-32: 3)." [23]

Names of the royal cities: " Así podemos ver mencionadas las ciudades de Bitimbi, Naditu, Bit- bunaku, Hartabanu, Tubula, Madaktu, Haltemas, Susa, Dinsarri, Sumuntunas, Pidilma, Bubilu, Albinak, Duruntas, Hamanu, etc.11 Como las ciudades más fundamentales, es decir como ca- pitales o residencias reales nos encontramos con Madaktu.12 Luego están Susa, Bubilu y Hidalu que tiene su propio rey." [24]

♠ Administrative levels ♣ [3-5] ♥ levels.


"It is to this early period that the so-called Elamite Dynasty in Babylonia can be assigned. In fact, the dynasty consisted of a single ruler, Mar-biti-apla-usur (984-979 BC) who, in spite of his Akkadian name, was called 'remote (?) descenant of Elam' in the Dynastic Chronicle (Brinkman 1968: 165)." However, "there is no reason for either supposing that Mar-biti-apla-usur's reote affiliation with Ela was significant or that he had dealings with groups in western Iran."[25]

Unknown, but a range of 3-5 would be reasonable considering what we know of the situation in the 7th century BCE:

1. King

2. Provincial districts

♠ Religious levels ♣ ♥ levels.

A Priesthood was known to be present, but the degree of hierarchy is unknown. [26]

"During the third millennium B.C.E., the most important deity in Elam was the goddess Pinikir, 'the great mother of the gods to the Elamites' and the great mistress of heaven. Later, another goddess, Kirrisha, surpassed her, but many goddesses were gradually demoted and replaced in rank by male gods. Yet Kirrisha never lost her title as the main goddess of Elam, and it is significant for later developments that she married two of her brothers who were major gods. Kings often built temples to honor her and appear to her for protection. Despite being demoted, Elamite goddesses retained a higher status than goddesses in Mesopotamia."[27]

♠ Military levels ♣ [3-5] ♥ levels. In the Neo-Elamite 2 period, there were 4 levels:

[28]

1. General

2. 'tashlishu-official'
3. Commanders
4. Individual Soldiers (predominantly bowmen)

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ inferred present ♥ inferred continuity with the Neo Elamite 2 period.

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ ♥

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ inferred present ♥ inferred continuity with the Neo Elamite 2 period.

Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ ♥ Full-time specialists

♠ Examination system ♣ ♥

♠ Merit promotion ♣ ♥

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ ♥

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ ♥

♠ Judges ♣ ♥

♠ Courts ♣ ♥

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ ♥

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ inferred present ♥ "Ruins of reservoirs have been discovered along with water intakes, spillways and outlets and even the sewerage systems dating as far back as the Pre-Archaemenid and Assyrian (1500-600 BC) periods." [29]
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ ♥
♠ markets ♣ ♥
♠ food storage sites ♣ ♥

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ inferred present ♥ continuity with preceding and succeeding periods.
♠ Bridges ♣ ♥
♠ Canals ♣ ♥
♠ Ports ♣ ♥

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ ♥

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ ♥
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ present ♥ "Thus, these seals, once thought to show strong continuity with earlier traditions, have been redated to the Middle Elamite phase. The final date of c.1000 BC for AIX is far from certain and it is possible that the frit seals of this style continued in use through the Neo-Elamite I period (c. 1000-725/700 BC). [30]
♠ Written records ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Script ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Non-phonetic writing ♣ absent ♥
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ present ♥

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ ♥
♠ Calendar ♣ ♥
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ ♥
♠ Religious literature ♣ ♥
♠ Practical literature ♣ ♥
♠ History ♣ ♥
♠ Philosophy ♣ ♥
♠ Scientific literature ♣ ♥
♠ Fiction ♣ ♥


Money

♠ Articles ♣ inferred present ♥ inferred continuity with earlier and later periods
♠ Tokens ♣ ♥
♠ Precious metals ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Foreign coins ♣ absent ♥ "Coins turn up in the eastern Mediterranean in early sixth-century archaeological context and gradually begin circulating widely but are not archaeologically attested in Mesopotamia until well over two centuries later, at the end of the Achaemenid period." [31]
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ absent ♥ "Coins turn up in the eastern Mediterranean in early sixth-century archaeological context and gradually begin circulating widely but are not archaeologically attested in Mesopotamia until well over two centuries later, at the end of the Achaemenid period." [32]
♠ Paper currency ♣ absent ♥

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ [present; absent] ♥ Present in the second millennium BCE but not mentioned for the Neo Elamite period.
♠ Postal stations ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ General postal service ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Thomas Cressy; Edward A L Turner ♥

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ present ♥ ‘Major categories are pear-shaped stone maceheads, copper/bronze spiked and star maces, shortswords, knives/daggers with upturned ends, iron socketed spears, and arrowheads’ [33]
♠ Bronze ♣ present ♥ ‘Major categories are pear-shaped stone maceheads, copper/bronze spiked and star maces, shortswords, knives/daggers with upturned ends, iron socketed spears, and arrowheads’ [34]
♠ Iron ♣ present ♥ Iron's use had become widespread throughout the region by now [35] Archaeologists have dated Iron Age Period III to 800-500 BCE.[36] Luristan borders Susiana region to the NW. Here Vanden Berghe divided the Iron Age into three periods 1000-800/750 BCE in which bronze and iron used together and 800/750-600 BCE when weapons were made from iron and ritual articles from bronze.[37]
♠ Steel ♣ absent ♥

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ inferred present ♥ "Unlike other areas of the world where the spear developed into a thrown weapon, in the Middle East it remained primarily a stabbing weapon."[38] The weapon may have had a secondary role. The last reference for the military use of the javelin in this region was Ur. The lament for Sumer and Ur mentions javelins in the battle for Ur c2000 BCE.[39]
♠ Atlatl ♣ absent ♥ New World weapon.
♠ Slings ♣ inferred present ♥ Before the Archaemenid king Cyrus (c600 BCE), Persian light infantry carried only the bow and sling.[40]
♠ Self bow ♣ present ♥ "Composite bows are known from both Mesopotamia and the Great Steppe from the III millennium BCE. The Scythian bow was different from the Mesopotamian one primarily in its overall dimensions - it was smaller so that it could be used from the horseback. At the same time, self bows were also in use, but because of their large size they were not suitable for use by horse riders."[41] In his discussion of weapons used by the Achaemenid army Gabriel (2002) mentions the "noncomposite" simple bow directly for light cavalry and chariots and the 'bow' for light infantry and heavy infantry and notably does not mention use of the composite bow by Persian forces.[42] Earlier Gabriel mentions the composite bow was used from the late third millennium BCE but that it was difficult to manufacture and it was "very susceptible to moisture, which rendered it useless."[43] This suggests the simple bow was most likely the standard weapon. Hypothesis: nomads who were full-time warriors were able maintain their composite bows every day. Agricultural polities who did not wanted to store the weapons. This may have meant they probably relied most on their stocks of easy to preserve simple bows, even though arrows shot from them carried less range.
♠ Composite bow ♣ inferred present ♥ "The effective range of the simple bow varied from 50 to 100 yards. And the arrow shot by a simple bow was unable to penetrate leather or bronze armour. The effective range of the composite bows varied between 250 and 300 yards."[44] However, the composite bow itself could not penetrate armour more than 2mm thick [all designs or just the early designs?] and was susceptible to rotting in high-moisture environments.[45] "The composite bow was a recurve bow made of wood, horn and tendons from oxen, carefully laminated together. These bows were probably invented by the nomads of the Eurasian steppe and brought into Sumer by the mercenary nomads."[46] "Composite bows are known from both Mesopotamia and the Great Steppe from the III millennium BCE. The Scythian bow was different from the Mesopotamian one primarily in its overall dimensions - it was smaller so that it could be used from the horseback. At the same time, self bows were also in use, but because of their large size they were not suitable for use by horse riders."[47] Elam: ‘the iconographic emergence of a distinctive equestrian art characterized by a rider on a leaping horse in the act of firing an arrow or throwing a spear at a rearing animal or human.’[48] In his discussion of weapons used by the Achaemenid army Gabriel (2002) mentions the "noncomposite" simple bow directly for light cavalry and chariots and the 'bow' for light infantry and heavy infantry and notably does not mention use of the composite bow by Persian forces.[49] Earlier Gabriel mentions the composite bow was used from the late third millennium BCE but that it was difficult to manufacture and it was "very susceptible to moisture, which rendered it useless."[50]
♠ Crossbow ♣ absent ♥ Not present at this time: "the hand-held crossbow was invented by the Chinese, in the fifth century BC, and probably came into the Roman world in the first century AD, where it was used for hunting."[51] The crossbow also developed after the Syracuse Greek Dionysios I invented a form of crossbow called the gastraphetes in 399 BCE.[52]
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ absent ♥ In Anatolia siege warfare was mentioned in Old Hittite records.[53] Presumably at this time the catapult was not used? In India, according to Jain texts, Ajatashatru, a 5th century BCE king of Magadha in North India, used a catapult "capable of hurling huge pieces of stone".[54] Marsden (1969) said archaeological records exist before the 4th century BCE.[55] The Achaemenids (c400 BCE?) are assumed to have had the catapult because the Macedonians did.[56] Pollard and Berry (2012) say torsion catapults first came into widespread use in the Hellenistic period 4th - 1st centuries BCE.[57] The Syracuse Greek Dionysios I invented a form of crossbow called the gastraphetes in 399 BCE which encouraged the development of large tension-powered weapons.[58] There is no direct evidence for catapults for this time/location. The aforementioned evidence we currently have covering the wider ancient world suggests they were probably not used at this time, perhaps because effective machines had not been invented yet.
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ absent ♥ The counter-weight trebuchet was first used by the Byzantines in 1165 CE.
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ absent ♥ Not invented at this time.
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ absent ♥ Not invented at this time.

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ present ♥ ‘Major categories are pear-shaped stone maceheads, copper/bronze spiked and star maces, shortswords, knives/daggers with upturned ends, iron socketed spears, and arrowheads’ [59]
♠ Battle axes ♣ present ♥ Bronze axes found in the neighboring polity for this time and had been long present in the region.[60] The war axe evolved after the development of body and head armour. Invented by the Sumerians, the socketed penetrating axe was "one of the most devastating close-combat weapons of the Bronze and Iron ages."[61]
♠ Daggers ♣ present ♥ ‘Major categories are pear-shaped stone maceheads, copper/bronze spiked and star maces, shortswords, knives/daggers with upturned ends, iron socketed spears, and arrowheads’ [62]
♠ Swords ♣ present ♥ In Sumer the first swords appeared about c3000 BCE but until c2000 BCE their use were restricted because the blade often became detached from the handle.[63] "All armies after the seventeenth century B.C.E. carried the sword, but in none was it a major weapon of close combat; rather, it was used when the soldier's primary weapons, the spear and axe, were lost or broken."[64] Late Bronze/Early Iron Age: shortswords.[65]
♠ Spears ♣ present ♥ ‘Major categories are pear-shaped stone maceheads, copper/bronze spiked and star maces, shortswords, knives/daggers with upturned ends, iron socketed spears, and arrowheads’ [66] Spear-using phalanx first used in Sumer 2500 BCE. The phalanx was in use until the 1st century BCE.[67] "Unlike other areas of the world where the spear developed into a thrown weapon, in the Middle East it remained primarily a stabbing weapon."[68]
♠ Polearms ♣ present ♥ Found in the immediately neighboring and close Luristan region ‘Horse gear includes horse-harness trappings and horse-bits with decorative cheek-pieces. Arms and equipment include spiked axheads and adzes, halberds, daggers or swords, and whetstone handles.’ [69]

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Donkeys ♣ inferred present ♥ The donkey was probably domesticated from the African wild ass 'in more than one place' but for the Nubian subspecies 5500-4500 BCE in the Sudan.[70] Donkey herder was a profession in Akkadian (c2200 BCE) period Mesopotamia.[71] "During the Bronze Age the standard mechanism of transport was the donkey (Egypt) or the solid-wheeled cart drawn by the onager (Sumer)."[72] The Achaemenids used donkeys (e.g. Darius III) and camels (e.g. Cyrus I) in their baggage train.[73] Likely to have been used as donkeys appear to have been raised in the wider region at least since Akkadian times. It is possible they were not used frequently, however, as there were other options.
♠ Horses ♣ present ♥ Cavalry: ‘the iconographic emergence of a distinctive equestrian art characterized by a rider on a leaping horse in the act of firing an arrow or throwing a spear at a rearing animal or human.’ [74] Found in the immediately neighboring and close Luristan region ‘Horse gear includes horse-harness trappings and horse-bits with decorative cheek-pieces. Arms and equipment include spiked axheads and adzes, halberds, daggers or swords, and whetstone handles.’ [75]
♠ Camels ♣ suspected unknown ♥ The Achaemenids used donkeys (e.g. Darius III) and camels (e.g. Cyrus I) in their baggage train.[76]
♠ Elephants ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ inferred present ♥ The Archaemenids used cane: "From ancient times the peoples of Persia favoured a light, tough shield made of withies or cane. As remarked on at the beginning of this chapter, Herodotus describes the soldiers of Xerxes who carry targes of wicker. Large and deeply convex shields built up of concentric rings of cane or withies are carried by the Sacae (Scythian) guards in the reliefs from the great staircase of the Achaemenid, from the Palace of Persepolis, now in the Berlin Museum. All but the caps of these guards are in the Persian fashion. The large shields are not those of nomadic horsemen, but are a foot soldier’s defence."[77]
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ inferred present ♥ Long garments and kilts mentioned possibly in reference to soldiers for Iron Age Elam.[78]
♠ Shields ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Last reference to shields present is during Ur III c2000 BCE.[79] Next reference for shields is the Archaemenids: "From ancient times the peoples of Persia favoured a light, tough shield made of withies or cane. As remarked on at the beginning of this chapter, Herodotus describes the soldiers of Xerxes who carry targes of wicker. Large and deeply convex shields built up of concentric rings of cane or withies are carried by the Sacae (Scythian) guards in the reliefs from the great staircase of the Achaemenid, from the Palace of Persepolis, now in the Berlin Museum. All but the caps of these guards are in the Persian fashion. The large shields are not those of nomadic horsemen, but are a foot soldier’s defence."[80] Likely to be inferred present but will leave this one for an expert to confirm.
♠ Helmets ♣ present ♥ Earliest known helmet dates to 2500 BCE in Sumer. After this time use of helmets became widespread.[81]
♠ Breastplates ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Late 3rd - early 2nd millennium BCE text: "May Ninurta, Enlil's son, set the helmet Lion of Battle on your head, may the breastplate (?) that in the great mountains does not permit retreat be laid on your breast!"[82] In India, cuirasses or breastplates of copper, iron, silver and gold are referenced in the Vedic epic literature.[83] Breastplates are known to have been worn by early Romans[84] and the advanced Greek Cairan armour c600 BCE included the breastplate.[85] In Persia, the Archaemenids (c5th century CE?) are known to have used iron breastplates[86] - did the cavalry of the Medes (715-550 BCE), who preceded them, wear breastplates? Physical evidence for the breastplate does not appear to be common in the ancient world though there appears to be some text references. We also code present on the basis of fabric/textile breastplates which are least likely to survive in archaeological contexts. For that reason a code of suspected unknown may be best at least back to the late bronze age.
♠ Limb protection ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Reference for Greece c1600 BCE: "Early Mycenaean and Minoan charioteers wore an arrangement of bronze armor that almost fully enclosed the soldier, the famous Dendra panoply."[87] Reference for Mesopotamia (the Assyrians) c800 BCE?: iron plates used for shin protection.[88] Reference for 'Etruscan Rome' (400 BCE?): "bronze greaves to protect the shins and forearms of the soldier were standard items of military equipment."[89]
♠ Chainmail ♣ absent ♥ Iron chain mail not introduced until the third century BCE, probably by Celtic peoples.[90]
♠ Scaled armor ♣ suspected unknown ♥ "Of the Medes and Persians as a whole, only a few wore armour. Some had body armour of iron scales and wicker targes and only some of the cavalry wore helmets of bronze or iron. As both Greek mercenaries and Assyrians were amongst the best armed in this great force, one may assume that any armour worn by Persians was inspired by one or the other of these militant peoples."[91] Higher ranks in the Assyrian army (9th century CE?) wore scale armour.[92]
♠ Laminar armor ♣ inferred absent ♥ "Of the Medes and Persians as a whole, only a few wore armour. Some had body armour of iron scales and wicker targes and only some of the cavalry wore helmets of bronze or iron. As both Greek mercenaries and Assyrians were amongst the best armed in this great force, one may assume that any armour worn by Persians was inspired by one or the other of these militant peoples."[93] No mentioned of laminar armour up to the Medes (715-550 BCE).
♠ Plate armor ♣ inferred absent ♥ No mention of plate armour until the Archaemenids who used iron breastplates.[94] The Late Bronze and Early Iron Age in Northwestern Iran: ‘Other major object and material categories include iron and bronze armor’.[95] Is this relevant? What was this metal armour?

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ inferred present ♥ At the time of Ur III c2000 BCE Gu'abba was a seaport on the Persian Gulf that built ships and had a textile manufacturing sector. A trade route from Guabba ran east to the Karun River and beyond (the region of Susiana). The route was also used for the transport of troops.[96] The Karun River runs inland into Khuzestan which was the Elamite heartland. It would be logical for there to have been boats that sailed down this river to the Persian Gulf in all periods. The boats on the Karun could also have ferried troops.
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ suspected unknown ♥ At the time of Ur III c2000 BCE Gu'abba was a seaport on the Persian Gulf that built ships and had a textile manufacturing sector. A trade route from Guabba ran east to the Karun River and beyond (the region of Susiana). The route was also used for the transport of troops.[97] The Karun River runs inland into Khuzestan which was the Elamite heartland. It would be logical for there to have been boats that sailed down this river to the Persian Gulf. The boats on the Karun could also have ferried troops.
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ suspected unknown ♥ At the time of Ur III c2000 BCE Gu'abba was a seaport on the Persian Gulf that built ships and had a textile manufacturing sector. A trade route from Guabba ran east to the Karun River and beyond (the region of Susiana). The route was also used for the transport of troops.[98] The Achaemenids (from c500 BCE?) possessed possibly the first large-scale militarised naval force[99] (one imagines largely based in the Mediterranean but presumably also some craft in the Persian Gulf) - the fleet consisted of over 600 tiremes that had 170 oarsmen and 30 fighters.[100] Have not found any earlier reference to naval operations occurring on the Persian Gulf that would require fighting ships. Did the Achaemenid fleet come out of nowhere or did it have some smaller-scale precedents in the Neo-Elamite civilization or Sumerian before that? Perhaps most unlikely before the Neo-Elamite Period.

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ inferred present ♥ Late Bronze, Early Iron Age: ‘Large fortresses occupied mountain spurs at strategic points, and smaller forts were built along important lines of communication’.[101] Late 3rd - early 2nd millennium BCE Sumerian text: "the fortress is too high and cannot be reached".[102] If forts were positioned on hills were a feature of the fortified architectural landscape in c2000 BCE and in Elam in c1000 BCE it is likely they also were used between times, and possibly after.
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Late 3rd - early 2nd millennium BCE Sumerian text: "My master: the Asag has constructed a wall of stakes on an earthen rampart".[103]
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ inferred present ♥ Ur III (c2000 BCE) inscription mentions the construction of a moat and rampart in the region of Elam.[104] Late 3rd - early 2nd millennium BCE Sumerian text: "My master: the Asag has constructed a wall of stakes on an earthen rampart".[105] The unfinished city of Chogha Zanbil began by Elamite king Untash-napirisha (1275-1240 BCE) had a section "designated as the royal city, covers an area of c. 85 ha, lying to the east of the temenos, and protected by a rampart."[106] Later, after c500 BCE?, the Achaemenids built a long rammed mud defensive wall (the Kam Pirak).[107] Earth ramparts are a known defensive fortification c2000 BCE and c500 BCE and there is also a reference to them being used during the Elamite period. They seem to be a consistent feature of the architectural landscape over the period.
♠ Ditch ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Irrigation ditches referred to frequently in late 3rd - early 2nd millennium BCE Sumerian texts but I cannot find any in the context of a fortification.[108]
♠ Moat ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Ur III (c2000 BCE) inscription mentions the construction of a moat and rampart in the region of Elam.[109] The Achaemenids built a moat at Susa.[110] It is not much of a stretch to suggest that if moats were a feature of the fortified architectural landscape in c2000 BCE and c500 BCE they also were used between times. However, since I have not yet found a reference to a moat specific to the Elamite period I will leave an expert to make the decision on if/when to code inferred present.
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Elam in the Iron Age: stone wall technology used for burial chambers.[111] Late 3rd - early 2nd millennium BCE Sumerian text (perhaps for the region of Mesopotamia rather than Elamite Susiana): "Its walls were built from stone."[112]
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Elam in the Iron Age: stone wall technology used for burial chambers.[113] Late 3rd - early 2nd millennium BCE Sumerian text (perhaps for the region of Mesopotamia rather than Elamite Susiana): "Its walls were built from stone."[114] Mortar existed at the time of Sumer because they also built with brick which would have required mortar. Late 3rd - early 2nd millennium BCE Sumerian text: "Now Aratta's battlements are of green lapis lazuli, its walls and its towering brickwork are bright red, their brick clay is made of tinstone dug out in the mountains where the cypress grows."[115] During the Shutrukid Period new construction activity replaced mudbrick with glazed and baked brick (but no specific mention is made of defensive structures).[116]
♠ Fortified camps ♣ suspected unknown ♥ No reference.
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ suspected unknown ♥ In the north-west of Persia by c800 BCE: "Double and triple stone walls, with a thickness of 3.6 m and a height of 12 m, surrounded some cities"[117] - present for that region at that time; however this is not a direct reference to the Elamite region. Another reference to north-western Iran: ‘The Iron II fortifications of the citadel are poorly known, but evidence for a probable circumvallation was found in three locations on the northern and northwestern citadel (Fig. 17.11; Danti forthcoming a, forthcoming b). A series of buildings on the southwest slopes of the mound formed the fortified entry to the Iron Age citadel (Dyson 1989: 110-11). The built environment of the citadel interior was designed to control access to its inner reaches (the Lower Court) and contained internal gateways and towers, supporting the conclusion that the entire citadel was strongly fortified in concentric fashion.’ [118]
♠ Long walls ♣ 0 ♥ km. No reference to any long walls.
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥

Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ ♥

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ inferred absent ♥ [119]Henkelman refers to a government body called the 'Elders of Elam', for which we have evidence from the Middle and Neo-Elamite periods. During Ashurbanipal's campaigns against Elam from 653 to 645 BCE, the elders 'stepped in to avert further Assyrian aggression. At first sight this seems a sign of serious political disintegration: apparently the Elamite king did not have the authority to solve the Nabû-bēl-šumāti matter [this Chaldean rebel had taken refuge in Elam and the Neo-Assyrian Empire was demanding his extradition], and in response to this an ad hoc body of "elders" emerged. While it cannot be denied that the severe Assyrian pressure led to the emergence of several competing factions at this time in Elam, it is also true that it was the Elamite king who eventually solved the matter by sending Nabû-bēl-šumāti's corpse to Assyria. More important, the Elders of Elam were not a novel body and thus indicative of a dissolution of traditional monarchical rule. The elders were in fact part of the traditional make-up of the Elamite state as shown by a Middle Elamite inscription of Šilhak-Inšušinak I that mentions the "Elders of Elam" ... as first part of a triad that clearly describes the kingdom's elite ... This or a similar body apparently still existed at the time of the Assyrian raids, acted as a representative organ, and was recognised as such by Assurbanipal in BM 132980'.[120] This discussion tells us that the Elders of Elam constituted a long-standing government institution that exercised considerable power and could act independently of the king. Discussing the early Neo-Elamite II period, Carter and Stolper also say that 'Some suggestion of the diffusion of political power appears in other Elamite texts of the time, exceptional for their portrayal of nonroyal figures'.[121] The image we receive from Elamite and Mesopotamian sources is not one of unconstrained executive power exercised by the monarch alone.
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ ♥
♠ Impeachment ♣ ♥

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ inferred present ♥ Liverani claims that in the Neo-Elamite kingdom, 'it is still possible to see a system in which the ruling king (residing in Susa) was surrounded by a series of high functionaries. These were all more or less his relatives, ruled over regions and cities, and were involved in the succession to the throne'.[122] Here, we can see that membership of the ruling family confers elite status in the form of official positions. It should be noted that Liverani sees the Neo-Elamite period as starting in the second half of the 8th century BCE,[123] so this may not be intended to apply to this period. Nevertheless, the rock reliefs at Kul-e Farah (in use from the Middle Elamite through to the Neo-Elamite periods) depict an 'intricate social pyramid',[124] so I think we can infer some form of hereditary elite status before 744 BCE.

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni; Jenny Reddish ♥ EC coded these variables, making ample use of JR’s work on the Achaemenids.

Deification of Rulers

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ present ♥ “Another prerogative of the gods was to confer and protect kingship. Puzur-Insusinak spoke of “the year when Insusinak looked at him (and) gave to him the four regions” (Scheil, 1908, p. 9). It was also Insusinak who conferred kingship upon Humban-numena and the latter’s son Untas-Napirisa (König, nos. 4, no. 13), but it was Manzat who conferred it on Igi-halki (Steve, 1987, no. 2).” [125]

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ inferred absent ♥ According to Henkelman, there was very strong continuity between Elam and Achaemenid Persia, including in terms of ideology: “the Elamite state, both before and after the Assyrian wars, must have been a real Fundgrube for the emergent Persian society and culture in terms of literacy, art, craftsmanship, bureaucracy, royal ideology, military organization, trade networks, administrative mechanisms, and political structure. Persia may indeed be seen as “the heir of Elam” (not of “Media”), to quote Mario Liverani’s provocative comment on the matter (2003: 10; cf. Henkelman 2008a: 4; forthcoming a; forthcoming b).” [126] And '[t]he Achaemenid kings were no gods ... and they were not of divine origin.'[127]

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ inferred absent ♥ There is evidence that an important feast was celebrated annually at the open-air sanctuary of Kul-e Farah, the “feast of Aiapir”, at which the king, the aristocracy, and commoners all participated. Though this feast probably celebrated the community as a whole, iconographic evidence suggests that a certain emphasis was also placed on hierarchy: “Visible hierarchy was a key element. As De Waele (1972: 2-3; 1989: 34) notes, the Kul-e Farah reliefs are a panorama of an intricate social pyramid in which status is expressed by size, arrangement, closeness to the king, representation in frontal view or in profile, garments, hair-cut, and beard.” [128]

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥ There is evidence that an important feast was celebrated annually at the open-air sanctuary of Kul-e Farah, the “feast of Aiapir”, at which the king, the aristocracy, and commoners all participated. Though this feast probably celebrated the community as a whole, iconographic evidence suggests that a certain emphasis was also placed on hierarchy: “Visible hierarchy was a key element. As De Waele (1972: 2-3; 1989: 34) notes, the Kul-e Farah reliefs are a panorama of an intricate social pyramid in which status is expressed by size, arrangement, closeness to the king, representation in frontal view or in profile, garments, hair-cut, and beard.” [129]
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ inferred absent ♥ There is evidence that an important feast was celebrated annually at the open-air sanctuary of Kul-e Farah, the “feast of Aiapir”, at which the king, the aristocracy, and commoners all participated. Though this feast probably celebrated the community as a whole, iconographic evidence suggests that a certain emphasis was also placed on hierarchy: “Visible hierarchy was a key element. As De Waele (1972: 2-3; 1989: 34) notes, the Kul-e Farah reliefs are a panorama of an intricate social pyramid in which status is expressed by size, arrangement, closeness to the king, representation in frontal view or in profile, garments, hair-cut, and beard.” [130]

♠ Ideology reinforces prosociality ♣ inferred present ♥ There is evidence that an important feast was celebrated annually at the open-air sanctuary of Kul-e Farah, the “feast of Aiapir”, at which the king, the aristocracy, and commoners all participated. Ultimately, “[t]hat which is celebrated is the community that convenes and reconstitutes itself. Group identity, social hierarchy, and bonds of loyalty are reconfirmed in the sacrifice and the ensuing banquet.” [131]

♠ production of public goods ♣ inferred present ♥ There is evidence that an important feast was celebrated annually at the open-air sanctuary of Kul-e Farah, the “feast of Aiapir”, at which the king, the aristocracy, and commoners all participated. For commoners, “the banquets meant access to rare meat rations” [132].

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ absent ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ inferred present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ present ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [133] [134] [135]

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