InSataL

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Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni; Edward A L Turner ♥

♠ Original name ♣ Satavahana Empire ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ Late Satavahanas; Shatavahana Empire; Andhra Empire ♥ [1]

♠ Peak Date ♣ 106-130 CE ♥ During the reign of Gautamiputra Satakarni, the empire emerged from a period of decline (dating more or less from the end of Hala's reign), with military victories against the Shakas, Pallavas, Yavanas, and Shakharatas, which led to annexation of new territory and the re-conquest of previously Satavahana territory [2][3].


Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 100 BCE - 200 CE ♥ "Chronological problems [...] beset text-based reconstructions of Satavahana chronology and dynastic sequences. [...] Chronological reconstructions fall into two groups. Advocates of the now largely discredited 'long chronology' support the maximal span of c. 475 years derived from the literal reading of the [Puranic king lists] [...]. This interpretation is problematic given the historical context of the Puranas, the lack of concordance among the texts, and the lack of supporting numismatic or incriptional evidence for many of the rulers named. "Advocates of the more widely accepted 'short chronology' [...] combine Puranic records with other lines of numismatic, archaeological, and textual evidence and date the Satavahana rule from the beginning of the first century BCE to the end of the second century CE. Even here, many scholars are reluctant to assign absolute dates to specific kings and those who do often select quite disparate dates and name different rulers. Nonetheless, the shorter chronology is the more reasonable given current evidence [...]" [4].

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ loose; unitary state ♥

"The fragmentation of the kingdom was inevitable as the Satavahana state was very loosely organized, with the local administration, even the maintenance of the royal army, being largely left to their feudatories, who even struck their own coins. This loose state organization was necessitated by the limited economic resources of the kingdom; the soil of their land being poor, the Satavahanas could not afford to maintain a large standing army or an elaborate administrative organization."[5]

Only centralized after moving east after 140 CE: "The continued invasions by the Sakas of Ujjain (Malwa) and the prospects of encroaching upon the rich regions in the southern and eastern Deccan prompted them to shift their political base to the east around AD 140. The Satavahana state brought with it an organized administration and bureaucracy, a standing army, garrison towns, provincial administrative headquarters and a fortified capital."

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ none ♥ Independent polity.

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ Mauryan Empire ♥ NOTE: The Mauryan Empire was the most powerful polity to rule over Southern India before the Satavahanas [6]. However, partly because of difficulties in dating the exact beginning of the Satavahana Empire, it is not clear that there was a direct link between the two polities [7]
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ ♥ NOTE: The Mauryan Empire was the most powerful polity to rule over Southern India before the Satavahanas [8]. However, partly because of difficulties in dating the exact beginning of the Satavahana Empire, it is not clear that there was a direct link between the two polities [9]
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ Vakataka Kingdom ♥ Iskvakus; Pallavas; Chutus; Abhiras; Kurus; Vakatakas [10]
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ ♥
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ ♥ km squared.

♠ Capital ♣ Pratisthana; Benakataka ♥ Pratisthana (modern-day Paithan); Benakataka; others. "No single city served as the Satavahana capital throughout the duration of the dynasty's history. In the early second century CE, Ptolemy referred to Paithan (Pratisthana; in Aurangabad district) as the capital of King Pulamavi; the Nasik inscription of his predecessor Gautamiputra Satakarni referred to him as lord of Benkataka (in the Nasik region). [...] The situation may, at least in part, be associated with structural weaknesses of imperial political and economical organization, thus making the physical presence of the king, court, and military force important to the exercise and authority of imperial authority and revenue collection" [11].


♠ Language ♣ Prakrit; Kannada ♥ Prakrit was the official court language, Kannada the language "popularly spoken" [12].

General Description

The Satavahanas were the first Deccan-based dynasty to rule over an empire encompassing both southern and northern India, stretching from the Deccan Plateau in the south to Madhya Pradesh in the north, and touching both the western and eastern coasts.[13] According to the most widely accepted hypothesis, based on numismatic, archaeological and textual evidence, this polity existed between the beginning of the 1st century BCE and the end of the 2nd century CE, though many scholars are reluctant to assign absolute dates to specific kings.[14]
Notable rulers include Gautamiputra Satakarani, Vasistiputra, Pulamavi, and Yajnasri. Under their governance, Indian commerce with the Western world intensified and there was a florescence of the arts, particularly in the field of Buddhist iconography.[15] However, records are scanty when it comes to the empire's middle century, which suggests that the Satavahana polity went through two phases of power and prosperity, with an intervening period of regionalization, and perhaps even collapse.[16]

Population and political organization

The Satavahana polity was ruled by an emperor.[17] He was aided, at court, by a number of officials, including attendants and advisors, the mahasenapati (army commander), the superintendent of stores, the treasurer, officials tasked with drafting and registering his documents, and officials tasked with supervising feudal lords.[18][19] The provinces were governed by feudal lords who were related by blood to the royal family, by lords who struck coins in their own name (perhaps indicating some degree of autonomy from the Satavahanas themselves), and by military commanders in charge of outlying centres.[20] The fact that the empire likely suffered some sort of collapse in its middle period suggests that it may have been overly dependent on the abilities of individual rulers rather than a well-designed administrative structure.[21]
No population estimates for this period could be found in the specialist literature.

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ [1,200,000-1,400,000]: 100 BCE-99 CE; [1,400,000-1,600,000]: 100-203 CE ♥ in squared kilometers


♠ Polity Population ♣ [7,000,000-8,000,000]: 100-1 BCE; [7,250,000-8,250,000]: 0-100 CE; [8,000,000-9,000,000]: 101-203 CE; [8,500,000-9,500,000]: 200 CE ♥ People.

Estimated from [22]


♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ 84,000 ♥ Inhabitants [23]. Chase-Dunn also suggests an estimate of 60,000 inhabitants for 200 BCE, but here we are following the "short chronology" of the Satavahana Empire [24], which starts in the first century BCE.

Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ 4 ♥ levels.

Contemporary inscriptions refer to the following three types of settlement beyond the capital [25]:

1.Capital

2. nagara (city or palace)
3. nigama (market town)
4. gama (village)

♠ Administrative levels ♣ 5 ♥ levels.

Note: "the Satavahana state was very loosely organized, with the local administration, even the maintenance of the royal army, being largely left to their feudatories, who even struck their own coins. This loose state organization was necessitated by the limited economic resources of the kingdom; the soil of their land being poor, the Satavahanas could not afford to maintain a large standing army or an elaborate administrative organization."[26]


The rough hierarchy may have been as follows:

1. Emperor [27]

_Court_

2. Royal officials
Including, among others, the king's attendants and advisors, the mahasenapati or army commander, the superintendent of stores, the treasurer, officials tasked with drafting and registering the king's documents, and officials tasked with supervising feudal lords [28][29]
3.
4.

_Provincial Government_

2. Mahabhojas and maharathis
Feudal lords who were blood relatives of the royal family [30].
2. Rajas Other feudal lords (specifically rajas, who struck coins in their own name, and mahasenapatis, military governors posted at outlying centres)
Feudal lords who struck coins in their own name [31].
2. Mahasenapatis
Army commanders were sometimes put in charge of governing outlying centres [32].
3. Local administrators
Bhojakas, uparikas, gaulmikas, patipalakas [33].
4. Gramanis
Village officials in charge of five, sometimes ten villages [34].
5. Village assemblies [35].

NOTE: Sources are often unclear and describe the hierarchy in slightly different ways.


♠ Religious levels ♣ [1-2] ♥ levels.

_Hinduism_

There are no official priestly hierarchies in Hinduism [36]. However, several sources allude to the importance, at least for some branches of the religion, of the relationship between student and teacher or guru (e.g. [37]), which suggests that perhaps it would not be entirely inappropriate to say that there is indeed a Hindu religious hierarchy, and that it is composed of two levels.

_Buddhism_

"Buddhist monastic communities replaced the caste system with one based on year of ordination. Previously ordained monks enjoyed rights and privileges higher in status than monks ordained later, and monks were categorically of higher status and privilege than nuns. In effect seniority and gender provided criteria for social status and increased access to 'pure' teachings and exemption from 'impure' duties." [38].


♠ Military levels ♣ [4-5] ♥ levels.

A rough hierarchy may have been as follows:

1. Emperor [39]
2. Mahasenapati [40]
3. Direct subordinates of the mahasenapati - more than one level?
4. Soldiers

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ present ♥ e.g. the mahasenapati [41].

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ present ♥ Inferred from the fact that the Satavahanas kept a standing army [42].

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ present ♥ Hinduism had its representatives in Brahmanas [43], Buddhism in monks [44].


Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ present ♥ [45]

♠ Examination system ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Merit promotion ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ inferred present ♥ The superintendent of stores[46][47] suggests there were government stores.

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ present ♥ The Dharma Shastras [48].

♠ Judges ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Courts ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ present ♥ [49]
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ markets ♣ present ♥ Inferred from existence of "market towns" [50].
♠ food storage sites ♣ present ♥ Inferred from existence of a royal official in charge of supervising "stores", the bhandagarika [51].

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ present ♥ "The Satavahanas realised the need of building roads and communications to facilitate trade wherever necessary", for example, "[t]here was an easy and well trodden road from Broach leading to the cities of the north (via) Ujjain and Vidisa and finally connected to Pataliputra. In the Deccan itself, a road started from Broach linking Surat with the Salsette parts of the south, where it joined the great road to the North running across the ghats to Junnar, Paithan and Ajanta" [52].
♠ Bridges ♣ ♥ unknown
♠ Canals ♣ ♥ unknown
♠ Ports ♣ present ♥ According to contemporary records, "Broach, Sopara, Kalyan and Chaul were flourishing ports of trade; Jayagal, Dabol, Danakot, Rajapur and Vijayadurga were other ports of lesser importance [53].

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ present ♥
♠ Written records ♣ present ♥ Incriptions on coins, sacred structures and commemorative stelae [54].
♠ Script ♣ present ♥ The Brahmi script was used [55].
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ ♥

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ ♥
♠ Calendar ♣ present ♥ Kautilya's Arthasastra contains a chapter title "Measurement of Space and Time."[56] The Arthaśāstra "probably arose in the first half of the first millennium AD" but probably largely "derive[s] from older handbooks".[57]
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ present ♥ Hindu, Buddhist and Jain scriptures.
♠ Religious literature ♣ present ♥ e.g. Kundakunda Charya's works on Jainist thought [58].
♠ Practical literature ♣ present ♥ e.g. Sarva Varman's work on grammar, the Katantra Vyakarana [59].
♠ History ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Philosophy ♣ present ♥ e.g. Kundakunda Charya's works on Jainist thought [60].
♠ Scientific literature ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Fiction ♣ present ♥ e.g. Gunadhya's Brihatkatha, a compendium of romantic tales [61]

Money

♠ Articles ♣ present ♥
♠ Tokens ♣ ♥ unknown
♠ Precious metals ♣ ♥ unknown
♠ Foreign coins ♣ present ♥ Roman [62] and Greek [63] coins were both in use.
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ present ♥ Contemporary sources refer to coins known as Karshapana, Dramma, Pana, and Gadyana[64]. They were made of silver, lead, and potin, an alloy of silver and lead[65].
♠ Paper currency ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ inferred present ♥ permanent messengers would have been useful for the government.
♠ Postal stations ♣ ♥ unknown postal stations would have been useful given the territorial coverage of the Satavahana Empire.
♠ General postal service ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner; Enrico Cioni ♥ [66]

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ present ♥ A military historian suggests metal armour was not widely used before the Macedonian invasion of Alexander the Great in the late fourth century BCE [67] - do ancient Indian specialists agree? Copper weapons did exist but by this time probably replaced by iron, steel or bronze.
♠ Bronze ♣ present ♥ A military historian suggests metal armour was not widely used before the Macedonian invasion of Alexander the Great in the late fourth century BCE [68] - do ancient Indian specialists agree? Metal weapons did exist. Bronze was not produced in India but was imported and may have been used for weapons perhaps for the elites who could afford them.
♠ Iron ♣ present ♥ First finds of iron weapons in northern India earlier than 1000 BCE and from at least 1000 BCE in Karnataka in south India where iron arrowheads, spears and swords have been found.[69] Ancient Indians used iron for armour cuirasses and breastplates but copper was also used.[70] The Guptas were known for their exceptional skill in iron metallurgy, as demonstrated by the monumental Iron Pillar of Delhi and they may have been the first to use iron helmets for their cavalry.
♠ Steel ♣ inferred present ♥ Indian iron smiths invented the 'wootz' method of steel creation between 550-450 BCE. The Greek physician Ctesias of Cnidus commented on an Indian steel sword (or a sword of Indian steel?) in the possession of Artaxerxes II of Persia (c400 BCE).[71] At Naikund in Maharashtra: knowledge of steeling and hardening from 700 BCE.[72] Historical records show Indian steel was exported to Abyssinia in 200 BCE. (Biggs et al. 2013 citing Tripathi and Upadhyay 2009, p. 123).[73]

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ inferred present ♥ A military historian states the light cavalry of the Mauryans c200 BCE used a javelin in conjunction with a lance[74] - do Mauryan specialists agree? Have not been able to find data for the Satavahanas but we do know "cavalry had an important place in the Satavahana military organisation." [75]
♠ Atlatl ♣ absent ♥ Weapon that has only been found in the New World.
♠ Slings ♣ present ♥ Excavations at both Maski and Prakash, in the states of Karnataka and Maharashtra, respectively, have yielded likely slingstones [76].
♠ Self bow ♣ present ♥ In the hot Monsoon climate of India the composite bow decomposed rapidly so Ancient Indians made bows out of Wootz steel. These were "considerably more rigid than their composite bretheren, meaning they were also less powerful. But they were reliable and predictable, and could be stored away in munitions vaults without worry of decomposition."[77] "The Hindus used bows made of cane or bamboos which were inferior in range, accuracy and penetrative power when compared to the composite bows."[78] Composite bow came to India with the Kushanas but "after the collapse of the Gupta Empire, the use of composite bows died out in India."[79] Iron arrow heads.[80] The Satavahanas used many foot archers.[81]
♠ Composite bow ♣ suspected unknown ♥ "The Hindus used bows made of cane or bamboos which were inferior in range, accuracy and penetrative power when compared to the composite bows."[82] Composite bow came to India with the Kushanas but "after the collapse of the Gupta Empire, the use of composite bows died out in India."[83] 'From the Kushans, the Indians learnt the use of composite bows. The Sanchi sculptures which can be dated to the first century BC show many soldiers carrying strung and unstrung composite bows. Murray B. Emeneau writes that the Guptas used Sassanian types of composite bows.'[84]
♠ Crossbow ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Known to Chinese in the first millennium BCE but Vedic literature does not describe anything like a crossbow although Pant suggests "the weapon mentioned as the nalika in ancient Sanskrit literature was a crossbow."[85] "The hand crossbow was usd on Indian battlefields probably from the third century A.D. It was mainly used as an infantry weapon and occasionally as a cavalry weapon. A Sanskrit inscription at Avanthipuram, in South India, reads: '... Of him who has the name of Ananta impelled with speed and skillfully discharged from the machines of his bow fitted with the well stretched string....' Obviously, the machine referred to was a hand crossbow."[86]
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ inferred present ♥ According to Jaina texts, Ajatashatru, a 5th century BCE king of Magadha in North India, used a catapult "capable of hurling huge pieces of stone".[87] A military historian states that ancient Indians had a weapon called the yantra that "may refer to a device for hurling stones and missiles at the enemy, but we have no information as to its design."[88] - do ancient Indian specialists agree? Ancient Indian armies had siege engines that could "fling stones and lead balls wrapped up in burning materials. The Mahabharata mentions an Asma-yantra (a stone-throwing machine) in the battle with Jarasandha and we have further records that such engines were used in later periods to set enemy fortifications alight and that 'liquid fires' containing naphtha were in use in ancient India."[89]
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ absent ♥ Much later, Byzantines or possibly Chinese were the first to use sling siege engines
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ absent ♥
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ absent ♥

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ inferred present ♥ A military historian states the Maurayan heavy infantry is known to have used iron weapons including maces, dagger-axes, battle-axes and a slashing sword[90] - do Mauryan specialists agree?
♠ Battle axes ♣ present ♥ [91] A military historian states the Maurayan heavy infantry is known to have used iron weapons including maces, dagger-axes, battle-axes and a slashing sword[92] - do Mauryan specialists agree?
♠ Daggers ♣ present ♥ Inferred from their wide distribution throughout India in the period considered, including at sites that may have been part of the Satavahana empire [93]. A military historian states the Maurayan heavy infantry is known to have used iron weapons including maces, dagger-axes, battle-axes and a slashing sword[94] - do Mauryan specialists agree?
♠ Swords ♣ present ♥ A military historian states the Maurayan heavy infantry is known to have used iron weapons including maces, dagger-axes, battle-axes and a slashing sword[95] - do Mauryan specialists agree? Satavahana infantry used short swords.[96]
♠ Spears ♣ present ♥ Inferred from their wide distribution throughout India in the period considered, including at sites that may have been part of the Satavahana empire, such as Kondapur and Maheshwar [97].
♠ Polearms ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Donkeys ♣ suspected unknown ♥ In ancient India the buffalo, bullock, yak, goat, camel, elephant, horse, ass and the mule were all used for transport[98][99] in different regions according to local conditions.[100]
♠ Horses ♣ present ♥ According to Pliny the Elder, the Satavahana army included 2,000 cavalrymen. [101] Cavalry "had an important place in the Satavahana military organisation."[102]
♠ Camels ♣ inferred present ♥ In ancient India the buffalo, bullock, yak, goat, camel, elephant, horse, ass and the mule were all used for transport[103][104] in different regions according to local conditions.[105] Were camels used in the Deccan region of India?
♠ Elephants ♣ present ♥ According to Pliny the Elder, the Satavahana army included 1,000 elephants. [106]

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ present ♥ A military historian suggests the Maurayans carried shields made of raw oxhide stretched over a wood or wicker frame[107] - do Mauryan specialists agree?
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ present ♥ A military historian suggests helmets were not widely used until the CE period; soldiers used thick turbans to protect their heads[108] - do ancient Indian specialists agree? A military historian suggests the Maurayans carried shields made of raw oxhide stretched over a wood or wicker frame[109] - do Mauryan specialists agree? Kautilya's Arthasastra, written after 200 BCE, mentions "dense structures made of the skin, hooves, and horns/tusks of the river dolphin, rhinocerous, Dhenuka, and cattle" used as armor and a leather shield.[110]
♠ Shields ♣ present ♥ A military historian suggests the Maurayans carried shields made of raw oxhide stretched over a wood or wicker frame[111] - do Mauryan specialists agree? The Satavahanas were likely no less advanced in terms of their military technology. Kautilya's Arthasastra, written after 200 BCE, mentions a leather shield.[112] Satavahana infantry used circular shields.[113]
♠ Helmets ♣ present ♥ A military historian suggests helmets were not widely used until the CE period; soldiers used thick turbans to protect their heads[114] - do ancient Indian specialists agree? Kautilya's Arthasastra, written after 200 BCE, mentions a helmet.[115]
♠ Breastplates ♣ inferred present ♥ Ancient Indians used iron for armour cuirasses and breastplates but copper was also used.[116] Likely referring to time following the Macedonian invasion. Kautilya's Arthasastra, written after 200 BCE, mentions a breast plate.[117]
♠ Limb protection ♣ inferred present ♥ Ancient Indians used iron for armour cuirasses and breastplates but copper was also used.[118] Likely referring to time following the Macedonian invasion. Kautilya's Arthasastra, written after 200 BCE, mentions a thigh guard.[119]
♠ Chainmail ♣ inferred present ♥ In Ancient India soldiers of the Gupta Empire who could afford to do so and were willing to bear the heat (or for night operations?) wore chain mail.[120] Ancient Indians used iron for armour cuirasses and breastplates but copper was also used.[121] Likely referring to time following the Macedonian invasion. Kautilya's Arthasastra, written after 200 BCE, mentions a coat of mail.[122]
♠ Scaled armor ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Ancient Indians used iron for armour cuirasses and breastplates but copper was also used.[123] Likely referring to time following the Macedonian invasion.
♠ Laminar armor ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Ancient Indians used iron for armour cuirasses and breastplates but copper was also used.[124] Likely referring to time following the Macedonian invasion.
♠ Plate armor ♣ present ♥ Ancient Indians used iron for armour cuirasses and breastplates but copper was also used.[125] Likely referring to time following the Macedonian invasion. Kautilya's Arthasastra, written after 200 BCE, mentions metal plate, cuirass, corselet, and breast plate.[126]

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ ♥
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ inferred absent ♥ 'Chalukyas, Pallavas and the Cholas are noted for their naval forces."[127] It can be inferred that no other state had a significant naval force although some of them may have had a smaller navy. The Satavahanas had a lengthy coastline but their capital was based inland and for most of the period they lacked a standing army and sophisticated central administration, which suggests the kings would not have poured resources into sailing assets they would not have seen nor have little control over.

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ present ♥ Commenting on Jean Deloche's 'Studies on Fortification in India' a book reviewer says that fort construction "with long-term building and modification programs ... became the focal point for local populations as well as for their leaders" and often were "placed at points on the landscape that already were natural strongholds and places of ritual devolution".[128]
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ inferred present ♥ "The excavations also gave evidence of wooden palisade of the early Satavahana times which might indicate that Ter was one of the thirty fortified towns of the Satavahanas."[129]
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ present ♥ Satavahana cities "were surrounded by high walls, ramparts and gates constructed with brick and mortar."[130]
♠ Ditch ♣ present ♥ "Satanikota on the bank of the Tugabhadra was a fortified Satavahana place [palace?] with a ditch cut into the natural bedrock".[131]
♠ Moat ♣ present ♥ "Banavasi in North Kanara, an acient capital city of the region measuring 1 km2, goes back at least to the Satavahana period and shows a burnt-brick fortification on rubble foundations and a moat."[132]
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ inferred absent ♥ Towns were protected by "high walls".[133] Satavahana cities "were surrounded by high walls, ramparts and gates constructed with brick and mortar."[134]
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Towns were protected by "high walls".[135] Satavahana cities "were surrounded by high walls, ramparts and gates constructed with brick and mortar."[136] Were walls also made out of stone?
♠ Fortified camps ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Long walls ♣ ♥ km.
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥


Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ Greine Jordan ♥

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ unknown ♥
♠ Impeachment ♣ unknown ♥

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ present ♥ Caste systems; generally speaking, Brahmins (priests) seen as superior to Kshatriyas (rulers/warriors). “The Brahmins, although ‘priests’, were higher in the caste hierarchy than the Kshatriyas, the ‘rulers’. Not all Brahmins have been priests and not all Kshatriyas have been rulers. The complexity of the caste system, regional and linguistic differences and historical change have all militated against this rigidity. [...]Brahmins have traditionally been seen as ritually more pure than Kshatriyas and more versed in religious knowledge. They are, in theory if not always in fact, the key scholars in the Hindu tradition. The Kshatriyas have traditionally been seen, again in theory if not always in practice, as the rulers who maintain society, uphold dharma and protect the householder system. ‘ [137] Regional rulers, mahabhojas and maharathis, were blood relatives of the of the royal family.[138]

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni ♥

Deification of Rulers

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ present ♥ “The magical power which pervaded the king at his consecration was restored and strengthened in the course of his reign by further rites, such as the ceremonial rejuvenation of the ‘’vajapeya’’ and the horse-sacrifice (‘’asvamedha’’, p. 42), which not only ministered to his ambition and arrogance, but also ensured the prosperity and fertility of the kingdom. Implicit in the whole brahmanic ritual was the idea of the king’s divine appointment, and though the rajasuya was replaced in later times by a simplified ‘’abhiseka’’, or baptism, the ceremony still had its magical flavour.” [139]

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ present ♥ “Divinity was cheap in ancient India. Every brahman was in a sense a god, as were ascetics with a reputation for sanctity. Householders sponsoring and financing sacrifices were in theory raised to divinity, at least for the duration of the ceremony, while even sticks and stones might be alive with inherent godhead. Moreover the gods were fallible and capable of sin. If the king was a god on earth he was only one god among many, and so his divinity might not always weigh heavily upon his subjects.” [140]

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ absent ♥ Caste system. "There have been a number of attempts to underplay, to question, and to lampoon the hierarchical inequality and even the existence of the caste system. As we will also see it differs, in some degree, from region to region. However, the concepts of varna and, more importantly, jāti lie at the heart of the caste system and they form an ideal core around which the complexity of detail and difference can then be erected. [...] Thus the four varnas are the Brahmins who represent priesthood and learning, the Kshatriyas who represent the warriors and kings, who protect the people, the Vaishyas who represent the people who engage in agriculture, farming and trade, and the Shūdras who represent the servants who look after and serve the others. The Brahmins fulfil the function of the mouth, the Kshatriyas fulfil the function of the arms, the Vaishyas fulfil the function of the thighs, and the Shūdras fulfil the function of the feet. The model is clearly a hierarchy but it is a complementary hierarchy and unity, wherein the different elements sustain one another. [...] In practice the key to the caste system are the sub-castes, or jātis. There are a great number of these in each varna, and in practice there is a hierarchy within each set so that only certain jātis can marry and eat with each other. Not all Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas or Shūdras can marry or eat together. Those privileges are confined to a limited number of jātis within each varna. [...] Clearly there have been changes in the system over long centuries. Particular jātis have elevated themselves through economic means, through disputing status, through propaganda, through moving, through changing religion, and so on. But on the whole, over such a long period of time, the system has remained strong, especially in the villages. [...] The strength of the caste system has been enhanced by another principle emphasised by Dumont (1980) in his classical work entitled ‘’Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and its Implications’’. According to Dumont, in addition to the distinctions already outlined that fit varnas and jātis into hierarchies, another must be added. This distinction takes caste hierarchical divides beyond the kind of class distinctions found in eighteenth-century Britain or in the Ancien Regime in Europe, by stressing the opposition between purity and pollution. Caste difference, according to this classification, goes beyond class differences into this other realm of ritual purity and pollution. The Brahmins are the highest and purest varna, and the Dalits are the lowest, in that they are outside varna and are impure altogether. The other varnas rank in between. Pollution occurs in different ways. It occurs through bodily contact of one sort or another, with menstrual cycles, through birth and death, through emissions such as faeces, urine and saliva, and through contact with night-soil, dirty clothes, unswept rooms and so on. Thus marriage and sex have to function within the correct set of jātis in the correct varna. Polluting jobs such as laundering and sweeping are done by people of lower castes so that the blood of people of higher castes can remain ‘pure’. Equally menstrual activity among older women makes them more ‘impure’ than men or pre-menstrual virgins, and therefore women are more polluting than men. They will thus often live semi-separately while menstruating, during which time they will also avoid going to the temple and therefore ‘polluting’ the gods. Furthermore, untouchable Dalits were prohibited from entering many temples before the post-Independence freedom-of-temple-entry legislation and even now they are kept out of some temples in many villages. [...] It is also true to say that Dumont’s thesis suffers from exaggeration and other matters are important in discussing caste. Nevertheless, there is at least an element of truth in the notion that purity and pollution has relevance in any discussion of caste.” [141]

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ absent ♥ Caste system. "There have been a number of attempts to underplay, to question, and to lampoon the hierarchical inequality and even the existence of the caste system. As we will also see it differs, in some degree, from region to region. However, the concepts of varna and, more importantly, jāti lie at the heart of the caste system and they form an ideal core around which the complexity of detail and difference can then be erected. [...] Thus the four varnas are the Brahmins who represent priesthood and learning, the Kshatriyas who represent the warriors and kings, who protect the people, the Vaishyas who represent the people who engage in agriculture, farming and trade, and the Shūdras who represent the servants who look after and serve the others. The Brahmins fulfil the function of the mouth, the Kshatriyas fulfil the function of the arms, the Vaishyas fulfil the function of the thighs, and the Shūdras fulfil the function of the feet. The model is clearly a hierarchy but it is a complementary hierarchy and unity, wherein the different elements sustain one another. [...]In practice the key to the caste system are the sub-castes, or jātis. There are a great number of these in each varna, and in practice there is a hierarchy within each set so that only certain jātis can marry and eat with each other. Not all Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas or Shūdras can marry or eat together. Those privileges are confined to a limited number of jātis within each varna. [...] Clearly there have been changes in the system over long centuries. Particular jātis have elevated themselves through economic means, through disputing status, through propaganda, through moving, through changing religion, and so on. But on the whole, over such a long period of time, the system has remained strong, especially in the villages. [...] The strength of the caste system has been enhanced by another principle emphasised by Dumont (1980) in his classical work entitled ‘’Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and its Implications’’. According to Dumont, in addition to the distinctions already outlined that fit varnas and jātis into hierarchies, another must be added. This distinction takes caste hierarchical divides beyond the kind of class distinctions found in eighteenth-century Britain or in the Ancien Regime in Europe, by stressing the opposition between purity and pollution. Caste difference, according to this classification, goes beyond class differences into this other realm of ritual purity and pollution. The Brahmins are the highest and purest varna, and the Dalits are the lowest, in that they are outside varna and are impure altogether. The other varnas rank in between. Pollution occurs in different ways. It occurs through bodily contact of one sort or another, with menstrual cycles, through birth and death, through emissions such as faeces, urine and saliva, and through contact with night-soil, dirty clothes, unswept rooms and so on. Thus marriage and sex have to function within the correct set of jātis in the correct varna. Polluting jobs such as laundering and sweeping are done by people of lower castes so that the blood of people of higher castes can remain ‘pure’. Equally menstrual activity among older women makes them more ‘impure’ than men or pre-menstrual virgins, and therefore women are more polluting than men. They will thus often live semi-separately while menstruating, during which time they will also avoid going to the temple and therefore ‘polluting’ the gods. Furthermore, untouchable Dalits were prohibited from entering many temples before the post-Independence freedom-of-temple-entry legislation and even now they are kept out of some temples in many villages. [...] It is also true to say that Dumont’s thesis suffers from exaggeration and other matters are important in discussing caste. Nevertheless, there is at least an element of truth in the notion that purity and pollution has relevance in any discussion of caste.” [142]
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ absent ♥ Caste system. "There have been a number of attempts to underplay, to question, and to lampoon the hierarchical inequality and even the existence of the caste system. As we will also see it differs, in some degree, from region to region. However, the concepts of varna and, more importantly, jāti lie at the heart of the caste system and they form an ideal core around which the complexity of detail and difference can then be erected. [...] Thus the four varnas are the Brahmins who represent priesthood and learning, the Kshatriyas who represent the warriors and kings, who protect the people, the Vaishyas who represent the people who engage in agriculture, farming and trade, and the Shūdras who represent the servants who look after and serve the others. The Brahmins fulfil the function of the mouth, the Kshatriyas fulfil the function of the arms, the Vaishyas fulfil the function of the thighs, and the Shūdras fulfil the function of the feet. The model is clearly a hierarchy but it is a complementary hierarchy and unity, wherein the different elements sustain one another. [...]In practice the key to the caste system are the sub-castes, or jātis. There are a great number of these in each varna, and in practice there is a hierarchy within each set so that only certain jātis can marry and eat with each other. Not all Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas or Shūdras can marry or eat together. Those privileges are confined to a limited number of jātis within each varna. [...] Clearly there have been changes in the system over long centuries. Particular jātis have elevated themselves through economic means, through disputing status, through propaganda, through moving, through changing religion, and so on. But on the whole, over such a long period of time, the system has remained strong, especially in the villages. [...] The strength of the caste system has been enhanced by another principle emphasised by Dumont (1980) in his classical work entitled ‘’Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and its Implications’’. According to Dumont, in addition to the distinctions already outlined that fit varnas and jātis into hierarchies, another must be added. This distinction takes caste hierarchical divides beyond the kind of class distinctions found in eighteenth-century Britain or in the Ancien Regime in Europe, by stressing the opposition between purity and pollution. Caste difference, according to this classification, goes beyond class differences into this other realm of ritual purity and pollution. The Brahmins are the highest and purest varna, and the Dalits are the lowest, in that they are outside varna and are impure altogether. The other varnas rank in between. Pollution occurs in different ways. It occurs through bodily contact of one sort or another, with menstrual cycles, through birth and death, through emissions such as faeces, urine and saliva, and through contact with night-soil, dirty clothes, unswept rooms and so on. Thus marriage and sex have to function within the correct set of jātis in the correct varna. Polluting jobs such as laundering and sweeping are done by people of lower castes so that the blood of people of higher castes can remain ‘pure’. Equally menstrual activity among older women makes them more ‘impure’ than men or pre-menstrual virgins, and therefore women are more polluting than men. They will thus often live semi-separately while menstruating, during which time they will also avoid going to the temple and therefore ‘polluting’ the gods. Furthermore, untouchable Dalits were prohibited from entering many temples before the post-Independence freedom-of-temple-entry legislation and even now they are kept out of some temples in many villages. [...] It is also true to say that Dumont’s thesis suffers from exaggeration and other matters are important in discussing caste. Nevertheless, there is at least an element of truth in the notion that purity and pollution has relevance in any discussion of caste.” [143]
♠ production of public goods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ absent ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [144] [145] [146]

References

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  127. ↑ (Eraly 2011, 163) Abraham Eraly. 2011. The First Spring: The Golden Age of India. Penguin Books India Pvt. Ltd. New Delhi.
  128. ↑ (Smith 2010, 273) Monica L Smith. January 2010. Journal of the American Oriental Society. 130.2. Studies on Fortification in India. Collection Indologie, vol. 104. Four Forts of the Deccan vol. 111. Senji (Gingee): A Fortified City in the Tamil Country. vol. 101 by Jean Deloche.
  129. ↑ (Dikshit 1985, 89) K N Dikshit. 1985. Archaeological Perspective of India Since Independence. Books & Books.
  130. ↑ (Roy 2013, 20) Kaushik Roy. 2013 Military Manpower, Armies and Warfare in South Asia. Routledge. London.
  131. ↑ (Chakrabarti 1995, 306) D K Chakrabarti. Post-Mauryan states of mainland South Asia (c. BC 185-AD 320). F R Allchin. 1995. The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia: The Emergence of Cities and States. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.
  132. ↑ (Chakrabarti 1995, 306) D K Chakrabarti. Post-Mauryan states of mainland South Asia (c. BC 185-AD 320). F R Allchin. 1995. The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia: The Emergence of Cities and States. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.
  133. ↑ S. Kamath, A Concise History of Karnataka (1980), p. 27
  134. ↑ (Roy 2013, 20) Kaushik Roy. 2013 Military Manpower, Armies and Warfare in South Asia. Routledge. London.
  135. ↑ S. Kamath, A Concise History of Karnataka (1980), p. 27
  136. ↑ (Roy 2013, 20) Kaushik Roy. 2013 Military Manpower, Armies and Warfare in South Asia. Routledge. London.
  137. ↑ Whaling, F. 2009. ‘’Understanding Hinduism’’ pp. 87-88. Edinburgh: Dunedin.
  138. ↑ S. Kamath, A Concise History of Karnataka (1980), p. 25
  139. ↑ Basham, A.L. 1959. ‘’The Wonder that Was India’’ pp. 81-82. New York: Grove.
  140. ↑ Basham, A.L. 1959. ‘’The Wonder that Was India’’ p. 86. New York: Grove.
  141. ↑ Whaling, F. 2009. ‘’Understanding Hinduism’’ pp. 73-75. Edinburgh: Dunedin.
  142. ↑ Whaling, F. 2009. ‘’Understanding Hinduism’’ pp. 73-75. Edinburgh: Dunedin.
  143. ↑ Whaling, F. 2009. ‘’Understanding Hinduism’’ pp. 73-75. Edinburgh: Dunedin.
  144. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-acknowledgements.html
  145. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-narratives.html
  146. ↑ http://seshatdatabank.info/databrowser/moralizing-supernatural-punishment-nga_tables.html
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