InGhdvl

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Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner ♥

♠ Original name ♣ Gahadavala Kingdom ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ ♥

♠ Peak Date ♣ ♥


Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 1085-1193 CE ♥

'virtual founder' Chandradeva 1085-1110 CE.[1]

"The Gahadavala's power was already shattered in the fight with the Muslims in 1193 A. D., near Chandawar and the defeat and the death of their leader Jayachandra in the same year had laid prostrate the Gahadavala kingdom at the feet of the Muslims."[2]

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ ♥

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ ♥

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ ♥
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ ♥
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ ♥
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ ♥
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ ♥ km squared.

♠ Capital ♣ ♥


♠ Language ♣ ♥

General Description

The Gahadavala Kingdom, ruled by the Gahadavala dynasty, was located in the Indian subcontinent spanning the modern-day states of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar during 11th and 12th centuries.

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ [300,000-350,000] ♥ in squared kilometers. Roughly corresponding to the combined areas of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar (which lies to the east of Uttar Pradesh). The Gahadavalas "expanded themselves in the modern Uttar Pradesh and the eastern part of the Bihar region."[3]

♠ Polity Population ♣ suspected unknown ♥ People.

♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ [80,000-92,000] ♥ Inhabitants. Kanauj, imperial capital, between 1100 and 1500 CE.[4]

Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ suspected unknown ♥ levels.

♠ Administrative levels ♣ [3-7] ♥ levels. Range estimated from previous and subsequent polities in the region

"Even before the Muslim invasion of India, the Middle Ganga Valley was the arena of the internal migration of Rajput clans in 11th and 12th centuries. The various Rajput clans started migrating eastward from their home territories and on the way exterminated the aboriginals. They dominated in the area under study for a long time which is called the Rajput period."[5]


Under chapter 9 "The Rajput Administration" pages 389-403 covering revenue administration, territorial administration, local government, police and judiciary.[6]

From an essay on "The Rajput Administration". The Gahadavala dynasty are sometimes considered Rajputs or perhaps proto-Rajputs as strictly speaking the Rajputs date from a later time in this location: In the Pratihara empire "Extensive tracts ... were under feudatories bound to their overlords by ties and terms of service ... The rest of the empire can be grouped under the heads bhuati, mandala, zisaya, pathaka, chuturasitika and dvadesaka, bhukti was the biggest division. Next to it was the mandala. It was sub-divided into visayas; subdividion that we find also in feudatory States like Sakambhari. The pathaka stood next to it. The Varanasi Visaya had a division called Kasiparapathaka. .... it can be further concluded that the pathaka was a union of villages, the number of which could vary."[7] "The kotta or durga may be regarded as a representative of the durga constituent of a saptanga rajya. It included not the fort alone but also the territory adjoining it."[8] "The smallest administrative unit was of course the village."[9] "The defence of the town and its overal supervision fell within the jurisdiction of the Kottapala; but the management of civil affairs was left to a non-official body, the members of which had their turn in the management of the sthana, and were therefore known as varikas. Attached to it must have been a permanent office like the one a Pehoa which kept a record of transactions and agreements ... Its secretary might have been designated Karanika."[10] An imperial officer, called tantrapala in a Harsa inscription of Vigraharaja II and some others, probably was tasked with "keeping the feudatories in check, looking after the interests of his master on the borders of his empire, and using diplomacy as well as force, to gain his objective. He was authorised also to make grants and sign important documents on behalf of his master."[11] "The head of a visaya might have been known as the vasayapati but we have no idea of the titles used for the heads of the divisions lower than a visaya."[12]

Bhukti - Mandala - Visayas - Pathaka (union of villages) - Kotta/Durga? - Village


♠ Religious levels ♣ ♥ levels.

♠ Military levels ♣ ♥ levels.

Under chapter 9 "The Rajput Administration" pages 389-403 includes section on military administration.[13]


From an essay on "The Rajput Administration". The Gahadavala dynasty are sometimes considered Rajputs or perhaps proto-Rajputs as strictly speaking the Rajputs date from a later time in this location: "When a ruler marched against his enemies, he was normally joined by the contingents of his feudatories."[14]

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ ♥ Full-time specialists

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ ♥ Full-time specialists

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ ♥ Full-time specialists

Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ ♥ "Selahatha had mainly to do with the countryside and was probably a high officer with executive and revenue duties."[15]

"The talara looked to the security of a town. Batadhipa was perhaps the officer-in-charge of a posse of policemen. ..."[16]

♠ Examination system ♣ ♥

♠ Merit promotion ♣ ♥

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ inferred present ♥ The Arthaśāstra, which "probably arose in the first half of the first millennium AD" but probably largely "derive[s] from older handbooks". includes instructions for the proper layout of cities, including "public edifices such as treasuries, storehouses for material and food, arsenals, and prisons".[17] From an essay on "The Rajput Administration". The Gahadavala dynasty are sometimes considered Rajputs or perhaps proto-Rajputs as strictly speaking the Rajputs date from a later time in this location: "4. Dana or Sulka was the customs duty paid at the mandapika or octroi post."[18]

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ ♥ From an essay on "The Rajput Administration". The Gahadavala dynasty are sometimes considered Rajputs or perhaps proto-Rajputs as strictly speaking the Rajputs date from a later time in this location: "5. Danda or fines imposed for ten major aparadhas known collectively as dusaparadha. These included disobeying the king's orders, murder of a woman, confusion of varnas, adultery, theft, pregnancy from one not the husband, abuse and defamation, obscenity, assault and abortion. Fines were levied for other reasons also."[19]

♠ Judges ♣ ♥

From an essay on "The Rajput Administration". The Gahadavala dynasty are sometimes considered Rajputs or perhaps proto-Rajputs as strictly speaking the Rajputs date from a later time in this location: "The talara, dandapasika or araksika, as a policeman was called, looked to the security of life and property and carried out preliminary investigation in criminal cases." talaraksa. class of officers called Sadhanikas "whose duty was almost that of the modern Prosecuting Police Inspectors." Vyavaharin was a type of officer. "In small principalities the chief himself must have presided over his court. But in coming to a decision about the case before him and the punishment that was to be given to the accused he was assisted not only by experts in dharmasastra but also Karanikas. If Karanika be regarded as an abbreviated form of dharmadhikaranika, he could have been a judicial officer."[20]

♠ Courts ♣ ♥

From an essay on "The Rajput Administration". The Gahadavala dynasty are sometimes considered Rajputs or perhaps proto-Rajputs as strictly speaking the Rajputs date from a later time in this location: "The talara, dandapasika or araksika, as a policeman was called, looked to the security of life and property and carried out preliminary investigation in criminal cases." talaraksa. class of officers called Sadhanikas "whose duty was almost that of the modern Prosecuting Police Inspectors." Vyavaharin was a type of officer. "In small principalities the chief himself must have presided over his court. But in coming to a decision about the case before him and the punishment that was to be given to the accused he was assisted not only by experts in dharmasastra but also Karanikas. If Karanika be regarded as an abbreviated form of dharmadhikaranika, he could have been a judicial officer."[21]

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ ♥

From an essay on "The Rajput Administration". The Gahadavala dynasty are sometimes considered Rajputs or perhaps proto-Rajputs as strictly speaking the Rajputs date from a later time in this location: "The talara, dandapasika or araksika, as a policeman was called, looked to the security of life and property and carried out preliminary investigation in criminal cases." talaraksa. class of officers called Sadhanikas "whose duty was almost that of the modern Prosecuting Police Inspectors." Vyavaharin was a type of officer. "In small principalities the chief himself must have presided over his court. But in coming to a decision about the case before him and the punishment that was to be given to the accused he was assisted not only by experts in dharmasastra but also Karanikas. If Karanika be regarded as an abbreviated form of dharmadhikaranika, he could have been a judicial officer."[22]

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ ♥
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ ♥
♠ markets ♣ ♥
♠ food storage sites ♣ inferred present ♥ The Arthaśāstra, which "probably arose in the first half of the first millennium AD" but probably largely "derive[s] from older handbooks". includes instructions for the proper layout of cities, including "public edifices such as treasuries, storehouses for material and food, arsenals, and prisons".[23]

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ ♥
♠ Bridges ♣ ♥
♠ Canals ♣ ♥
♠ Ports ♣ ♥

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ ♥

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ ♥
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ ♥
♠ Written records ♣ present ♥
♠ Script ♣ present ♥
♠ Non-phonetic writing ♣ absent ♥
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ present ♥

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ ♥
♠ Calendar ♣ present ♥ Kautilya's Arthasastra contains a chapter title "Measurement of Space and Time."[24] The Arthaśāstra "probably arose in the first half of the first millennium AD" but probably largely "derive[s] from older handbooks".[25] Moreover, in the preceding Gupta period, "The length of the solar year was calculated with a precision which even the Greeks had not yet achieved".[26]
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ present ♥ Buddhist, Jain and Hindu texts.
♠ Religious literature ♣ present ♥ Buddhist, Jain and Hindu texts, including commentaries.
♠ Practical literature ♣ inferred present ♥ The Arthaśāstra, which "probably arose in the first half of the first millennium AD" but probably largely "derive[s] from older handbooks" includes instructions for the proper layout of cities, including "public edifices such as treasuries, storehouses for material and food, arsenals, and prisons".[27]
♠ History ♣ ♥
♠ Philosophy ♣ ♥
♠ Scientific literature ♣ ♥
♠ Fiction ♣ ♥


Money

♠ Articles ♣ ♥ From an essay on "The Rajput Administration". The Gahadavala dynasty are sometimes considered Rajputs or perhaps proto-Rajputs as strictly speaking the Rajputs date from a later time in this location: "1. Udranga or bhaga or dani, a land tax paid in kind, generally at the rate of 1/6 or more of the produce. 2. Hiranya was perhaps the amount of land tax paid in cash. ... 3. Bhoga included customary presents of perishable articles like fruit, milk, vegetables, etc. This included also the provision of lodging and bedding for the ruler and his officials. ... 4. Dana or Sulka was the customs duty paid at the mandapika or octroi post. 5. Danda or fines imposed for ten major aparadhas known collectively as dusaparadha. These included disobeying the king's orders, murder of a woman, confusion of varnas, adultery, theft, pregnancy from one not the husband, abuse and defamation, obscenity, assault and abortion. Fines were levied for other reasons also. 6. Abhavyas or miscellaneous taxes ... The talara looked to the security of a town. Batadhipa was perhaps the officer-in-charge of a posse of policemen. ..."[28]
♠ Tokens ♣ ♥
♠ Precious metals ♣ ♥
♠ Foreign coins ♣ ♥
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ ♥
♠ Paper currency ♣ ♥

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ ♥
♠ Postal stations ♣ ♥
♠ General postal service ♣ ♥

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Edward A L Turner ♥

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ inferred present ♥ Inferred from the presence of higher metals.
♠ Bronze ♣ inferred present ♥ Inferred from the presence of higher metals.
♠ Iron ♣ present ♥
♠ Steel ♣ inferred present ♥ Indian iron smiths invented the 'wootz' method of steel creation between 550-450 BCE. The Greek physician Ctesias of Cnidus commented on an Indian steel sword in the possession of Artaxerxes II of Persia (c400 BCE).[29]

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ inferred present ♥ "The period between the post-Gupta era and the Islamic invasions is generally regarded as a sort of 'quasi Dark Age' in India ... military historian U. P. Thapliyal asserts that after AD 500, there were no innovations in the theory and practice of warfare."[30] Kaushik Roy disagrees with this evaluation I presume with respect to the idea of a lack of new innovation rather than there being a complete shift to new weaponry. Reference for northern India in the 7th century CE: According to Hiuen Tsang (quoted here) the Harsha infantry had 'long javelins' and had been 'drilled in them for generations.'[31] The Harsha are a post-Gupta era polity so if they used the javelin and there was no major shift in weaponry until the Islamic invasion then the javelin was probably still in use at this time."
♠ Atlatl ♣ absent ♥ New World weapon.
♠ Slings ♣ inferred present ♥ "The period between the post-Gupta era and the Islamic invasions is generally regarded as a sort of 'quasi Dark Age' in India ... military historian U. P. Thapliyal asserts that after AD 500, there were no innovations in the theory and practice of warfare."[32] Kaushik Roy disagrees with this evaluation I presume with respect to the idea of a lack of new innovation rather than there being a complete shift to new weaponry. Reference for northern India in the 7th century CE: According to Hiuen Tsang (quoted here) the Harsha infantry had 'slings' and had been 'drilled in them for generations.'[33] The Harsha are a post-Gupta era polity so if they used slings and there was no major shift in weaponry until the Islamic invasion then slings were probably still in use at this time.
♠ Self bow ♣ present ♥ "The Hindus used bows made of cane or bamboos which were inferior in range, accuracy and penetrative power when compared to the composite bows."[34] Under chapter 9 "The Rajput Administration": "Elephants had their bodies covered with armour and tasks [tusks?] provided with arms. ... On their backs sat archers, partly protected by their howdahs."[35] "Further details about military dress and equipment can be had from the Kathakosaprakarana, Yasastilaka champu and the Tilakamanjari."[36]
♠ Composite bow ♣ absent ♥ "The Hindus used bows made of cane or bamboos which were inferior in range, accuracy and penetrative power when compared to the composite bows."[37] The composite bow came to India with the Kushanas but "after the collapse of the Gupta Empire, the use of composite bows died out in India."[38]
♠ Crossbow ♣ inferred present ♥ "The hand crossbow was used on Indian battlefields probably from the third century A.D. It was mainly used as an infantry weapon and occasionally as a cavalry weapon. A Sanskrit inscription at Avanthipuram, in South India, reads: '... Of him who has the name of Ananta impelled with speed and skillfully discharged from the machines of his bow fitted with the well stretched string....' Obviously, the machine referred to was a hand crossbow."[39] Reads like a general reference that also applies to northern India.
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ inferred present ♥ Ancient Indian armies had siege engines that could "fling stones and lead balls wrapped up in burning materials. The Mahabharata mentions an Asma-yantra (a stone-throwing machine) in the battle with Jarasandha and we have further records that such engines were used in later periods to set enemy fortifications alight and that 'liquid fires' containing naphtha were in use in ancient India."[40]
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ absent ♥
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ absent ♥

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ inferred present ♥ "The period between the post-Gupta era and the Islamic invasions is generally regarded as a sort of 'quasi Dark Age' in India ... military historian U. P. Thapliyal asserts that after CE 500, there were no innovations in the theory and practice of warfare."[41] This is a post-Gupta era polity so if the Guptas used the war club and there was no major shift in weaponry until the Islamic invasion then the war club was probably still in use at this time.
♠ Battle axes ♣ inferred present ♥ "The period between the post-Gupta era and the Islamic invasions is generally regarded as a sort of 'quasi Dark Age' in India ... military historian U. P. Thapliyal asserts that after AD 500, there were no innovations in the theory and practice of warfare."[42] Kaushik Roy disagrees with this evaluation I presume with respect to the idea of a lack of new innovation rather than there being a complete shift to new weaponry. Reference for northern India in the 7th century CE: According to Hiuen Tsang (quoted here) some of the Harsha infantry had 'Battle axes' and had been 'drilled in them for generations.'[43] The Harsha are a post-Gupta era polity so if they used the battle axe and there was no major shift in weaponry until the Islamic invasion then the battle axe was probably still in use at this time.
♠ Daggers ♣ inferred present ♥ "The period between the post-Gupta era and the Islamic invasions is generally regarded as a sort of 'quasi Dark Age' in India ... military historian U. P. Thapliyal asserts that after AD 500, there were no innovations in the theory and practice of warfare."[44] Kaushik Roy disagrees with this evaluation I presume with respect to the idea of a lack of new innovation rather than there being a complete shift to new weaponry. Gurjara-Pratihara (slightly earlier polity) in the Yasastilaka champu described as having daggers, "dhotis coming up to the knees", and carried quivers.[45]
♠ Swords ♣ inferred present ♥ "The period between the post-Gupta era and the Islamic invasions is generally regarded as a sort of 'quasi Dark Age' in India ... military historian U. P. Thapliyal asserts that after AD 500, there were no innovations in the theory and practice of warfare."[46] Kaushik Roy disagrees with this evaluation I presume with respect to the idea of a lack of new innovation rather than there being a complete shift to new weaponry. Reference for northern India in the 7th century CE: According to Hiuen Tsang (quoted here) some of the Harsha infantry 'carry sabres and swords'.[47] Also the foot soldiers of the Pala Empire after 750 CE - the core of which was located in the southern reaches of the Ganges Basin to the east of this polity and at its height possessed territory all the way to Afghanistan - used spears, swords, and shields.[48] The Harsha and Pala empires are a post-Gupta era polities so if they used the sword and there was no major shift in weaponry until the Islamic invasion then the sword was probably still in use at this time. Under chapter 9 "The Rajput Administration": "Foot soldiers carried swords and shields. Armour was in use."[49] "Further details about military dress and equipment can be had from the Kathakosaprakarana, Yasastilaka champu and the Tilakamanjari."[50]
♠ Spears ♣ inferred present ♥ "The period between the post-Gupta era and the Islamic invasions is generally regarded as a sort of 'quasi Dark Age' in India ... military historian U. P. Thapliyal asserts that after AD 500, there were no innovations in the theory and practice of warfare."[51] Kaushik Roy disagrees with this evaluation I presume with respect to the idea of a lack of new innovation rather than there being a complete shift to new weaponry. Reference for northern India in the 7th century CE: According to Hiuen Tsang (quoted here) the Harsha infantry had a 'long spear'.[52] Also, the foot soldiers of the Pala Empire after 750 CE - the core of which was located in the southern reaches of the Ganges Basin to the east of this polity and at its height possessed territory all the way to Afghanistan - used spears, swords, and shields.[53] The Harsha and Pala empires are a post-Gupta era polities so if they used the spear and there was no major shift in weaponry until the Islamic invasion then the spear was probably still in use at this time. Under chapter 9 "The Rajput Administration": "Cavaliers were mostly spearmen."[54] "Further details about military dress and equipment can be had from the Kathakosaprakarana, Yasastilaka champu and the Tilakamanjari."[55]
♠ Polearms ♣ inferred present ♥ "The period between the post-Gupta era and the Islamic invasions is generally regarded as a sort of 'quasi Dark Age' in India ... military historian U. P. Thapliyal asserts that after AD 500, there were no innovations in the theory and practice of warfare."[56] Kaushik Roy disagrees with this evaluation I presume with respect to the idea of a lack of new innovation rather than there being a complete shift to new weaponry. Reference for northern India in the 7th century CE: According to Hiuen Tsang (quoted here) some of the Harsha infantry had 'lances, halberds' and had been 'drilled in them for generations.'[57] The Harsha are a post-Gupta era polity so if they used lances and halberds and there was no major shift in weaponry until the Islamic invasion then lances and halberds were probably still in use at this time.

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Donkeys ♣ inferred present ♥ In ancient India the buffalo, bullock, yak, goat, camel, elephant, horse, ass and the mule were all used for transport[58][59] in different regions according to local conditions.[60]
♠ Horses ♣ inferred present ♥ Under chapter 9 "The Rajput Administration": "Cavalry was held in high esteem, with the best horses coming from outside ... Cavaliers were mostly spearmen."[61] "Further details about military dress and equipment can be had from the Kathakosaprakarana, Yasastilaka champu and the Tilakamanjari."[62]
♠ Camels ♣ inferred present ♥ Under chapter 9 "The Rajput Administration": "Camels perhaps formed a separate corps."[63] "Further details about military dress and equipment can be had from the Kathakosaprakarana, Yasastilaka champu and the Tilakamanjari."[64]
♠ Elephants ♣ inferred present ♥ "In the reign of Sultan Ibrahim his son Mahmud, who was in charge of the Government of the Punjab, conquered Agra and Kanauj and penetrated into the Gangetic valley. So many elephants were collected by the invader that a stable was established at Kanauj and one Chand Rai was appointed to take charge of them. It has been suggested this Chand Rai is to be identified with Chandra, the first Gahadavala ruler, who 'forcibly occupied Kanauj and made himself the master of the country' after the departure of the Muslim army and continued to rue 'on his promise to pay an annual tribute to the Sultan of Ghazni.' This theory has been challenged on substantial grounds."[65] Basic fact about elephants is all that matters to us here. Under chapter 9 "The Rajput Administration": "Elephants had their bodies covered with armour and tasks [tusks?] provided with arms."[66] "But there can be little doubt that war-elephants were not used in the same numbers under the Islamic dynasties of India as they were in the early medieval period and before. We have seen that the Arabic sources described the most important ninth- and tenth-century Hindu dynasties as equipped with tens of thousands or more elephants of various kinds. Although it is unlikely that these numbers indicated war-elephants in a state of readiness - they probably included the guessed number of untamed and half-tamed ones -, and although some of the figures are contradictory, they are larger than those of later times."[67]

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ inferred present ♥ Harsha's army 7th century CE: "Bana describes the cavaliers as dressed in tunics, waistband and trousers. At that time, the Indians knew how to make garments from flax, linen, cotton and silk."[68] Gurjara-Pratihara (slightly earlier polity) in the Yasastilaka champu described as having daggers, "dhotis coming up to the knees", and carried quivers.[69]'
♠ Shields ♣ inferred present ♥ Reference for northern India in the 7th century CE: According to Hiuen Tsang (quoted here) the Harsha infantry had a 'big shield'.[70] The foot soldiers of the Pala Empire after 750 CE - the core of which was located in the southern reaches of the Ganges Basin to the east of this polity and at its height possessed territory all the way to Afghanistan - used spears, swords, and shields.[71] Under chapter 9 "The Rajput Administration": "Foot soldiers carried swords and shields. Armour was in use."[72] "Further details about military dress and equipment can be had from the Kathakosaprakarana, Yasastilaka champu and the Tilakamanjari."[73]
♠ Helmets ♣ inferred present ♥ General reference for India: Helmets were not widely used until the CE period; soldiers used thick turbans to protect their heads.[74] Soldiers of the Pala Empire after 750 CE - the core of which was located in the southern reaches of the Ganges Basin to the east of this polity and at its height possessed territory all the way to Afghanistan - wore plate armour and conical-shaped helmets.[75]
♠ Breastplates ♣ inferred present ♥ Kautilya's Arthasastra, written after 200 BCE, mentions a breastplate.[76]
♠ Limb protection ♣ inferred present ♥ "The period between the post-Gupta era and the Islamic invasions is generally regarded as a sort of 'quasi Dark Age' in India ... military historian U. P. Thapliyal asserts that after CE 500, there were no innovations in the theory and practice of warfare."[77] This is a post-Gupta era polity so if the Guptas used limb protection and there was no major shift in weaponry until the Islamic invasion then limb protection was probably still in use at this time.
♠ Chainmail ♣ inferred present ♥ Gupta period soldiers who could afford to do so and were willing to bear the heat (or for night operations?) wore chain mail.[78] "The period between the post-Gupta era and the Islamic invasions is generally regarded as a sort of 'quasi Dark Age' in India ... military historian U. P. Thapliyal asserts that after AD 500, there were no innovations in the theory and practice of warfare."[79] Kaushik Roy disagrees with this evaluation I presume with respect to the idea of a lack of new innovation rather than there being a complete shift to new weaponry and armour.
♠ Scaled armor ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Laminar armor ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Plate armor ♣ inferred present ♥ Kautilya's Arthasastra, written after 200 BCE, mentions metal fabric, metal plate, cuirass, corselet, and breast plate.[80] According to Kamandaka's Nitisara c650 CE elephants were equipped with iron plates.[81] There is no scholarly agreement on the date of Kamandaka's Nitisara (an advice for rulers genre text) which is "the principal source for understanding the norms and techniques of warfare in north India". It is dated by different scholars to between 400-550 CE, 500-700 CE, or as late as 800 CE. Kaushik Roy suggests the post-Harsha period.[82] Under chapter 9 "The Rajput Administration": "Elephants had their bodies covered with armour and tasks [tusks?] provided with arms."[83] "Further details about military dress and equipment can be had from the Kathakosaprakarana, Yasastilaka champu and the Tilakamanjari."[84]

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ inferred present ♥ Commenting on Jean Deloche's 'Studies on Fortification in India' a book reviewer says that fort construction "with long-term building and modification programs ... became the focal point for local populations as well as for their leaders" and often were "placed at points on the landscape that already were natural strongholds and places of ritual devolution".[85] Under chapter 9 "The Rajput Administration": "The baladhikrta was generally a military officer put in charge of a town. The mahayudhapati should have been an officer in charge of the arsenal. Pilupati, asvapati and paikkadhipati were respectively commanders of elephant, horse and infantry forces. The kottapala was an officer in charge of a kotta or fort. He can be regared as a precursor of the modern kotwal. The kottapala of Gwalior as a Wardern of the Marches as well as governor of the fort. Rajasthan had plenty of forts, and the Rajputs knew well the technique of fort warfare."[86]
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ inferred present ♥ "Deloche notes that between the third and fourteenth centuries, the Hindu rulers constructed complex gateways, towers and thicker walls with earthen embankments in order to make their durgas (forts) impregnable."[87] Deloche's studies on Indian fortifications are in French.
♠ Ditch ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Moat ♣ inferred present ♥ Kautilya's Arthasastra, written after 200 BCE, mentions ramparts constructed with earth and moats.[88] "Deloche notes that between the third and fourteenth centuries, the Hindu rulers constructed complex gateways, towers and thicker walls with earthen embankments in order to make their durgas (forts) impregnable."[89] Deloche's studies on Indian fortifications are in French.
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ suspected unknown ♥ "Deloche notes that between the third and fourteenth centuries, the Hindu rulers constructed complex gateways, towers and thicker walls with earthen embankments in order to make their durgas (forts) impregnable."[90] Deloche's studies on Indian fortifications are in French.
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ inferred present ♥ "Deloche notes that between the third and fourteenth centuries, the Hindu rulers constructed complex gateways, towers and thicker walls with earthen embankments in order to make their durgas (forts) impregnable."[91] Deloche's studies on Indian fortifications are in French.
♠ Fortified camps ♣ inferred absent ♥ Under chapter 9 "The Rajput Administration": "Very often the army had to remain for months in camps with either the ruler or some royal prince in command. So the camp could be a very elaborate affair."[92] Subsequent description does not mention fortification. In a camp of the type described by Suri "an army could live on for months, expecting the besieged either to get tired or run short of essential supplies of commodities like food and water (Kathakosaprakarana, pp. 164-65)."[93]
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ inferred absent ♥ Referring to a period of time that appears to begin with the Mauryan era and include the first millennium CE:"The royal residence is designated with an old name the “interior city” (antaḥpura) and is described as being just as fortified as the city itself. There are even expressions where the palace wall is confused with the city wall and the castle gate with the city gate. Nonetheless, it would be a false conclusion were one to consider the royal residence, on the strength of this description, to be a citadel. We know from the narrative literature that it was easy to negotiate the moat and wall of the king’s palace by means of a pole or rope. The palace wall formed a police and not a military protection. Once besiegers had breached the city wall, the city lay at their feet. There was no last stand for the palace."".[94]
♠ Long walls ♣ ♥ km.
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥

Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ ♥

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ ♥
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ ♥
♠ Impeachment ♣ ♥

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ present ♥ Gahadavala dynasty [95]

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni ♥

Deification of Rulers

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ present ♥ “The magical power which pervaded the king at his consecration was restored and strengthened in the course of his reign by further rites, such as the ceremonial rejuvenation of the ‘’vajapeya’’ and the horse-sacrifice (‘’asvamedha’’, p. 42), which not only ministered to his ambition and arrogance, but also ensured the prosperity and fertility of the kingdom. Implicit in the whole brahmanic ritual was the idea of the king’s divine appointment, and though the rajasuya was replaced in later times by a simplified ‘’abhiseka’’, or baptism, the ceremony still had its magical flavour.” [96]

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ present ♥ “Divinity was cheap in ancient India. Every brahman was in a sense a god, as were ascetics with a reputation for sanctity. Householders sponsoring and financing sacrifices were in theory raised to divinity, at least for the duration of the ceremony, while even sticks and stones might be alive with inherent godhead. Moreover the gods were fallible and capable of sin. If the king was a god on earth he was only one god among many, and so his divinity might not always weigh heavily upon his subjects.” [97]

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ absent ♥ Caste system. "There have been a number of attempts to underplay, to question, and to lampoon the hierarchical inequality and even the existence of the caste system. As we will also see it differs, in some degree, from region to region. However, the concepts of varna and, more importantly, jati lie at the heart of the caste system and they form an ideal core around which the complexity of detail and difference can then be erected. [...] Thus the four varnas are the Brahmins who represent priesthood and learning, the Kshatriyas who represent the warriors and kings, who protect the people, the Vaishyas who represent the people who engage in agriculture, farming and trade, and the Shudras who represent the servants who look after and serve the others. The Brahmins fulfil the function of the mouth, the Kshatriyas fulfil the function of the arms, the Vaishyas fulfil the function of the thighs, and the Shudras fulfil the function of the feet. The model is clearly a hierarchy but it is a complementary hierarchy and unity, wherein the different elements sustain one another. [...] In practice the key to the caste system are the sub-castes, or jatis. There are a great number of these in each varna, and in practice there is a hierarchy within each set so that only certain jatis can marry and eat with each other. Not all Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas or Shudras can marry or eat together. Those privileges are confined to a limited number of jatis within each varna. [...] Clearly there have been changes in the system over long centuries. Particular jatis have elevated themselves through economic means, through disputing status, through propaganda, through moving, through changing religion, and so on. But on the whole, over such a long period of time, the system has remained strong, especially in the villages. [...] The strength of the caste system has been enhanced by another principle emphasised by Dumont (1980) in his classical work entitled ‘’Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and its Implications’’. According to Dumont, in addition to the distinctions already outlined that fit varnas and jatis into hierarchies, another must be added. This distinction takes caste hierarchical divides beyond the kind of class distinctions found in eighteenth-century Britain or in the Ancien Regime in Europe, by stressing the opposition between purity and pollution. Caste difference, according to this classification, goes beyond class differences into this other realm of ritual purity and pollution. The Brahmins are the highest and purest varna, and the Dalits are the lowest, in that they are outside varna and are impure altogether. The other varnas rank in between. Pollution occurs in different ways. It occurs through bodily contact of one sort or another, with menstrual cycles, through birth and death, through emissions such as faeces, urine and saliva, and through contact with night-soil, dirty clothes, unswept rooms and so on. Thus marriage and sex have to function within the correct set of jatis in the correct varna. Polluting jobs such as laundering and sweeping are done by people of lower castes so that the blood of people of higher castes can remain ‘pure’. Equally menstrual activity among older women makes them more ‘impure’ than men or pre-menstrual virgins, and therefore women are more polluting than men. They will thus often live semi-separately while menstruating, during which time they will also avoid going to the temple and therefore ‘polluting’ the gods. Furthermore, untouchable Dalits were prohibited from entering many temples before the post-Independence freedom-of-temple-entry legislation and even now they are kept out of some temples in many villages. [...] It is also true to say that Dumont’s thesis suffers from exaggeration and other matters are important in discussing caste. Nevertheless, there is at least an element of truth in the notion that purity and pollution has relevance in any discussion of caste.” [98]

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ absent ♥ Caste system. "There have been a number of attempts to underplay, to question, and to lampoon the hierarchical inequality and even the existence of the caste system. As we will also see it differs, in some degree, from region to region. However, the concepts of varna and, more importantly, jati lie at the heart of the caste system and they form an ideal core around which the complexity of detail and difference can then be erected. [...] Thus the four varnas are the Brahmins who represent priesthood and learning, the Kshatriyas who represent the warriors and kings, who protect the people, the Vaishyas who represent the people who engage in agriculture, farming and trade, and the Shudras who represent the servants who look after and serve the others. The Brahmins fulfil the function of the mouth, the Kshatriyas fulfil the function of the arms, the Vaishyas fulfil the function of the thighs, and the Shudras fulfil the function of the feet. The model is clearly a hierarchy but it is a complementary hierarchy and unity, wherein the different elements sustain one another. [...]In practice the key to the caste system are the sub-castes, or jatis. There are a great number of these in each varna, and in practice there is a hierarchy within each set so that only certain jatis can marry and eat with each other. Not all Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas or Shudras can marry or eat together. Those privileges are confined to a limited number of jatis within each varna. [...] Clearly there have been changes in the system over long centuries. Particular jatis have elevated themselves through economic means, through disputing status, through propaganda, through moving, through changing religion, and so on. But on the whole, over such a long period of time, the system has remained strong, especially in the villages. [...] The strength of the caste system has been enhanced by another principle emphasised by Dumont (1980) in his classical work entitled ‘’Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and its Implications’’. According to Dumont, in addition to the distinctions already outlined that fit varnas and jatis into hierarchies, another must be added. This distinction takes caste hierarchical divides beyond the kind of class distinctions found in eighteenth-century Britain or in the Ancien Regime in Europe, by stressing the opposition between purity and pollution. Caste difference, according to this classification, goes beyond class differences into this other realm of ritual purity and pollution. The Brahmins are the highest and purest varna, and the Dalits are the lowest, in that they are outside varna and are impure altogether. The other varnas rank in between. Pollution occurs in different ways. It occurs through bodily contact of one sort or another, with menstrual cycles, through birth and death, through emissions such as faeces, urine and saliva, and through contact with night-soil, dirty clothes, unswept rooms and so on. Thus marriage and sex have to function within the correct set of jatis in the correct varna. Polluting jobs such as laundering and sweeping are done by people of lower castes so that the blood of people of higher castes can remain ‘pure’. Equally menstrual activity among older women makes them more ‘impure’ than men or pre-menstrual virgins, and therefore women are more polluting than men. They will thus often live semi-separately while menstruating, during which time they will also avoid going to the temple and therefore ‘polluting’ the gods. Furthermore, untouchable Dalits were prohibited from entering many temples before the post-Independence freedom-of-temple-entry legislation and even now they are kept out of some temples in many villages. [...] It is also true to say that Dumont’s thesis suffers from exaggeration and other matters are important in discussing caste. Nevertheless, there is at least an element of truth in the notion that purity and pollution has relevance in any discussion of caste.” [99]
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ absent ♥ Caste system. "There have been a number of attempts to underplay, to question, and to lampoon the hierarchical inequality and even the existence of the caste system. As we will also see it differs, in some degree, from region to region. However, the concepts of varna and, more importantly, jati lie at the heart of the caste system and they form an ideal core around which the complexity of detail and difference can then be erected. [...] Thus the four varnas are the Brahmins who represent priesthood and learning, the Kshatriyas who represent the warriors and kings, who protect the people, the Vaishyas who represent the people who engage in agriculture, farming and trade, and the Shudras who represent the servants who look after and serve the others. The Brahmins fulfil the function of the mouth, the Kshatriyas fulfil the function of the arms, the Vaishyas fulfil the function of the thighs, and the Shudras fulfil the function of the feet. The model is clearly a hierarchy but it is a complementary hierarchy and unity, wherein the different elements sustain one another. [...]In practice the key to the caste system are the sub-castes, or jatis. There are a great number of these in each varna, and in practice there is a hierarchy within each set so that only certain jatis can marry and eat with each other. Not all Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas or Shudras can marry or eat together. Those privileges are confined to a limited number of jatis within each varna. [...] Clearly there have been changes in the system over long centuries. Particular jatis have elevated themselves through economic means, through disputing status, through propaganda, through moving, through changing religion, and so on. But on the whole, over such a long period of time, the system has remained strong, especially in the villages. [...] The strength of the caste system has been enhanced by another principle emphasised by Dumont (1980) in his classical work entitled ‘’Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and its Implications’’. According to Dumont, in addition to the distinctions already outlined that fit varnas and jatis into hierarchies, another must be added. This distinction takes caste hierarchical divides beyond the kind of class distinctions found in eighteenth-century Britain or in the Ancien Regime in Europe, by stressing the opposition between purity and pollution. Caste difference, according to this classification, goes beyond class differences into this other realm of ritual purity and pollution. The Brahmins are the highest and purest varna, and the Dalits are the lowest, in that they are outside varna and are impure altogether. The other varnas rank in between. Pollution occurs in different ways. It occurs through bodily contact of one sort or another, with menstrual cycles, through birth and death, through emissions such as faeces, urine and saliva, and through contact with night-soil, dirty clothes, unswept rooms and so on. Thus marriage and sex have to function within the correct set of jatis in the correct varna. Polluting jobs such as laundering and sweeping are done by people of lower castes so that the blood of people of higher castes can remain ‘pure’. Equally menstrual activity among older women makes them more ‘impure’ than men or pre-menstrual virgins, and therefore women are more polluting than men. They will thus often live semi-separately while menstruating, during which time they will also avoid going to the temple and therefore ‘polluting’ the gods. Furthermore, untouchable Dalits were prohibited from entering many temples before the post-Independence freedom-of-temple-entry legislation and even now they are kept out of some temples in many villages. [...] It is also true to say that Dumont’s thesis suffers from exaggeration and other matters are important in discussing caste. Nevertheless, there is at least an element of truth in the notion that purity and pollution has relevance in any discussion of caste.” [100]
♠ production of public goods ♣ ♥

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ absent ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [101] [102] [103]

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