Hawaii1

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Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni ♥ EC contributed general description.

♠ Original name ♣ Hawaii I ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ Big Island of Hawaii; Hawaii Island; Island of Hawaii; Big Island; Owyhee; Owhyhee; Hawaii ♥ Big Island of Hawai’i, Hawai’i Island, Island of Hawai’i, Big Island, Owyhee, Owhyhee; Hawaii ... cannot yet be machine read. “Hawai’i” is also spelled “Hawaii”

♠ Peak Date ♣ 1200 CE ♥ For this early period, ‘peak date’ may be meaningless. If it should be coded, however, 1200ce (the end of the time period) makes sense because this was when the population was the largest and the society presumably the most developed. [The period when the polity was at its peak, whether militarily, in terms of the size of territory controlled, or the degree of cultural development. This variable has a subjective element, but typically historians agree when the peak was.]


Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 1000-1200 CE ♥ Justification for starting date: It is approximately the date of initial settlement. Based on the most up-to-date information, Kirch[1] concludes that the islands were likely first settled between 800CE and 1000CE. Some have argued for an earlier settlement, as early as 300CE, and in earlier works, Kirch found this scenario plausible[2][3]. New starting date following an exchange with Patrick Kirch: "Most archaeologists would now say that initial Polynesian settlement did not occur until about AD 1000. Refer to Athens et al. 2014, American Antiquity 79:144-155 for latest Bayesian estimate of the chronology of Hawaiian colonization." [4] Justification for ending date: 1200CE is when most of the changes characteristic of Kirch’s ‘expansion period’ began, including a rapid rise in population[5].

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ quasi-polity ♥ Inferred.[6] There was little stratification at this time, and probably no ‘state’ in any real sense. 'Hawaii 1 is very difficult to say, but most likely to have been several independent polities - maybe as many as 5 or 6. 'Umi-a-Liloa is said to have been the first to consolidate all of these into one island-wide polity, and he is dated genealogical estimation to ca. AD 1570-1590, toward the end of your Hawaii2 period'.[7]

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ ♥ Thought to be first human settlement - although petroglyphs found possibly dating to 300 CE.
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ ♥
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ Hawaii II ♥
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ ♥
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ ♥ km squared.

♠ Capital ♣ none ♥ Inferred[8] There was no developed urbanism[9].

♠ Language ♣ Old Hawaiian ♥ The settlers probably came from the Marquesas, so they presumably spoke an old version of Marquesan. Since this became the modern Hawaiian language, it could also be called Old Hawaiian.

General Description

Hawai'i, also known as the Big Island, is the largest island of the Hawaiian archipelago. Recent estimates for the date of initial settlement by Polynesian voyagers have varied from 800 to 1250 CE, but the latest Bayesian model, based on palaeoenvironmental data and a carefully defined set of archaeological radiocarbon dates, suggests that the archipelago was first colonized between 1000 and 1100.[10] Our 'Hawaii 1' designates the earliest phase of Hawai'i's prehistory, from around 1000 to 1200, before most of the changes characteristic of Kirch's 'expansion period', including a rapid rise in population, took place.[11]

Population and political organization

According to reconstructions of Hawaiki, the ancestral Polynesian homeland, ancient Polynesians recognized the authority of the *ariki, that is, the head of a lineage, who had both secular and sacred authority and was in charge of most, if not all, rituals.[12] However, a few thousand years separate Ancestral Polynesians from the earliest Hawaiians, and it is not clear how much the latter retained of the former's culture and sociopolitical organization. The earliest island-wide unitary kingdom on the Big Island emerged around 1580;[13] before then the Big Island was probably divided into several small, independent polities.[14]
The founding population was probably about 100 people, due to the limited capacity of the canoes the first settlers likely used to reach the islands.[15] This population probably grew somewhat between 1000 and 1200, but no up-to-date estimates could be found in the literature — an estimate of 20,000 inhabitants for the entire archipelago around 1100 dates to 1985, when the earliest phase of human occupation was thought to have begun around 600 CE.[16]

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ PRG; Enrico Cioni ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ [1700-3000] ♥ square kilometers. The area of the entire Big Island is 10,432 km², but it is unclear what the size of the ‘typical’ polity in this quasi-polity would be. "Hawaii 1 is very difficult to say, but most likely to have been several independent polities--maybe as many as 5 or 6." [17]

♠ Polity Population ♣ ♥ It is not clear what the population of a ‘typical’ polity in this quasi-polity would be. The following may also be relevant: Kirch[18] provides population estimates for the western region of the Big Island. It had a small population from 800CE to 1200Ce, then very fast growth from 1200CE to 1600CE, then some decline. The population of the entire archipelago was probably not more than 20,000 by 1100 CE[19]. The founding population was probably between 20 and 100 persons [20].

♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ ♥ Unknown. Presumably very small.

Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ 1 ♥ During this period the population lived in small-size settlements

♠ Administrative levels ♣ ♥ The following refers to Ancient Hawaiki, not Hawaii. The former is the ancestral Polynesian homeland, in the first millennium BCE. It's not entirely clear how much of their ancestral heritage the earliest Hawaiians might have retained. Expert guidance needed.

1. *ariki
Head of a *kainanga, i.e. a lineage: "One belonged to a particular *kainanga by virtue of genealogical continuity back to a prominent ancestor, after whom the group was usually named. [...] As best we can infer, in ancient Hawaiki the *ariki played a role that was part secular leader, part priest. He had the responsibility for conducting most if not all of the sacred rituals of the group, including supplications to the ancestors." [21]
2. *fatu
The individual *kainga household groups were headed by senior family members, probably male in most cases, who were called *fatu.

♠ Religious levels ♣ ♥ The following refers to Ancient Hawaiki, not Hawaii. The former is the ancestral Polynesian homeland, in the first millennium BCE. It's not entirely clear how much of their ancestral heritage the earliest Hawaiians might have retained. Expert guidance needed. "As best we can infer, in ancient Hawaiki the *ariki played a role that was part secular leader, part priest. He had the responsibility for conducting most if not all of the sacred rituals of the group, including supplications to the ancestors." [22] NB Hawaiki is the Ancestral Polynesian homeland, not the earliest period of human occupation of Hawaii. Several centuries may have separated the two.

♠ Military levels ♣ ♥ The following refers to Ancient Hawaiki, not Hawaii. The former is the ancestral Polynesian homeland, in the first millennium BCE. It's not entirely clear how much of their ancestral heritage the earliest Hawaiians might have retained. Expert guidance needed. "Some linguistic evidence for the existence of a war chief, *sau [23].

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ absent ♥ The following refers to Ancient Hawaiki, not Hawaii. The former is the ancestral Polynesian homeland, in the first millennium BCE. It's not entirely clear how much of their ancestral heritage the earliest Hawaiians might have retained. Expert guidance needed. Some linguistic evidence for the existence of a war chief, *sau [24].

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ inferred absent ♥ The following refers to Ancient Hawaiki, not Hawaii. The former is the ancestral Polynesian homeland, in the first millennium BCE. It's not entirely clear how much of their ancestral heritage the earliest Hawaiians might have retained. Expert guidance needed. Some linguistic evidence for the existence of a war chief, *sau [25].

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ inferred absent ♥ The following refers to Ancient Hawaiki, not Hawaii. The former is the ancestral Polynesian homeland, in the first millennium BCE. It's not entirely clear how much of their ancestral heritage the earliest Hawaiians might have retained. Expert guidance needed. "As best we can infer, in ancient Hawaiki the *ariki played a role that was part secular leader, part priest. He had the responsibility for conducting most if not all of the sacred rituals of the group, including supplications to the ancestors." [26]

Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ inferred absent ♥ inferred from discussion in sources of development/introduction in later periods

♠ Examination system ♣inferred absent ♥ inferred from discussion in sources of development/introduction in later periods

♠ Merit promotion ♣inferred absent ♥ inferred from discussion in sources of development/introduction in later periods

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ inferred absent ♥ inferred from discussion in sources of development/introduction in later periods

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ inferred absent ♥ inferred from discussion in sources of development/introduction in later periods

♠ Judges ♣ inferred absent ♥ inferred from discussion in sources of development/introduction in later periods

♠ Courts ♣inferred absent ♥ inferred from discussion in sources of development/introduction in later periods

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ inferred absent ♥ inferred from discussion in sources of development/introduction in later periods

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ inferred absent ♥ Referring to Ancestral Polynesian society: "But the development of large-scale terracing, canal networks, and the like were technological elaborations that would accompany much later stages in the transformation of Polynesian societies." [27]
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ inferred absent ♥ Referring to Ancestral Polynesian society: "But the development of large-scale terracing, canal networks, and the like were technological elaborations that would accompany much later stages in the transformation of Polynesian societies." [28]
♠ markets ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ food storage sites ♣ suspected unknown ♥ "In short, the archaeological testimony of appropriately sized and shaped pits in many Ancestral Polynesian sites, combined with strong linguistic evidence, leaves little doubt that the fermentation and storage of breadfruit and possibly other starchy crops was a practice well known to the early Polynesians." [29] However, it is unclear whether authorities had any control over such features.

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Bridges ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Canals ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Ports ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ ♥
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ ♥
♠ Written records ♣ absent ♥ The pre-contact Hawaiians had no writing.[30]
♠ Script ♣ absent ♥ The pre-contact Hawaiians had no writing.[31]
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ absent ♥ The pre-contact Hawaiians had no writing.[32]

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ absent ♥ The pre-contact Hawaiians had no writing.[33]
♠ Calendar ♣ absent ♥ The pre-contact Hawaiians had no writing.[34]
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ absent ♥ The pre-contact Hawaiians had no writing.[35]
♠ Religious literature ♣ absent ♥ The pre-contact Hawaiians had no writing.[36]
♠ Practical literature ♣ absent ♥ The pre-contact Hawaiians had no writing.[37]
♠ History ♣ absent ♥ The pre-contact Hawaiians had no writing.[38]
♠ Philosophy ♣ absent ♥ The pre-contact Hawaiians had no writing.[39]
♠ Scientific literature ♣ absent ♥ The pre-contact Hawaiians had no writing.[40]
♠ Fiction ♣ absent ♥ The pre-contact Hawaiians had no writing.[41]

Money

♠ Articles ♣ ♥
♠ Tokens ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Significant "wealth economy" in the form of precious feathered garments (cloaks, capes, helmets, lei) which was very important to the ruling elite (the ali'i). [42] This may be true of more recent periods, can it be extended backwards?
♠ Precious metals ♣ absent ♥ [43]
♠ Foreign coins ♣ absent ♥ 'Needless to say, there was no money (in Diamond's words, no "abstract, intrinsically valueless medium for appropriating surplus, storing value, and deferring payment or delaying exchange") in precontact Hawai'i'.[44]
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ absent ♥ 'Needless to say, there was no money (in Diamond's words, no "abstract, intrinsically valueless medium for appropriating surplus, storing value, and deferring payment or delaying exchange") in precontact Hawai'i'.[45]
♠ Paper currency ♣ absent ♥ 'Needless to say, there was no money (in Diamond's words, no "abstract, intrinsically valueless medium for appropriating surplus, storing value, and deferring payment or delaying exchange") in precontact Hawai'i'.[46]

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ Postal stations ♣ suspected unknown ♥
♠ General postal service ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Peter-Rudiak Gould, Robert Ross ♥

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ absent ♥ [47]
♠ Bronze ♣ absent ♥ [48]
♠ Iron ♣ absent ♥ [49]
♠ Steel ♣ absent ♥ [50]

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Presumably they had these, as throwing spears were used later in Hawaiian prehistory, but evidence is needed. [51]. Similarly, if Polynesian ancestors had spears too this would be good converging evidence.
♠ Atlatl ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Presumably they didn't have these as they do not appear later in Hawaiian prehistory.
♠ Slings ♣ suspected unknown ♥ They may have had these, as they were present later in Hawaiian prehistory[52].
♠ Self bow ♣ suspected unknown ♥ It is unlikely these were used, as later in Hawaiian prehistory bows and arrows were used only for sport, not for war[53].
♠ Composite bow ♣ suspected unknown ♥ It is unlikely these were used, as later in Hawaiian prehistory bows and arrows were used only for sport, not for war[54]. Moreover it is implausible that a weapon as complex as a compound bow would be invented but then abandoned, leaving no archaeological trace.
♠ Crossbow ♣ absent ♥ [55]
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ absent ♥ [56]
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ absent ♥ [57]
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ absent ♥ [58]
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ absent ♥ [59]

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Presumably they had these, as they were appeared at European contact, but direct evidence is needed. pg 515.[60]
♠ Battle axes ♣ suspected unknown ♥ There are some almost axe-like weapons at contact, but they should probably be treated as clubs.
♠ Daggers ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Presumably they had these, as wooden daggers appeared at European contact, but direct evidence is needed. Wooden daggers.[61]
♠ Swords ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Lists of weapons at contact don't mention swords.[62]
♠ Spears ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Presumably they had wooden spears, as they appeared at European contact, but direct evidence is needed.[63]
♠ Polearms ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Presumably they didn't have these, as they didn't appeared at European contact, but direct evidence is needed.[64]

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ inferred absent ♥ Hawaiians had dogs, but I have found no references to their use in war.
♠ Donkeys ♣ absent ♥ No donkeys in Hawaii at this time.
♠ Horses ♣ absent ♥ No horses in Hawaii at this time.
♠ Camels ♣ absent ♥ No camels in Hawaii at this time.
♠ Elephants ♣ absent ♥ No elephants in Hawaii at this time.

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ suspected unknown ♥ No mention of any armor in a "weapons and armor" section on Hawaiian warfare at contact. [65] Probably true of earlier period, but more evidence is probably needed.
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ suspected unknown ♥ No mention of any armor in a "weapons and armor" section on Hawaiian warfare at contact. [66] Probably true of earlier period, but more evidence is probably needed.
♠ Shields ♣ suspected unknown ♥ No mention of any armor in a "weapons and armor" section on Hawaiian warfare at contact. [67] Probably true of earlier period, but more evidence is probably needed.
♠ Helmets ♣ suspected unknown ♥ No mention of any armor in a "weapons and armor" section on Hawaiian warfare at contact. [68] Probably true of earlier period, but more evidence is probably needed.
♠ Breastplates ♣ suspected unknown ♥ No mention of any armor in a "weapons and armor" section on Hawaiian warfare at contact. [69] Probably true of earlier period, but more evidence is probably needed.
♠ Limb protection ♣ suspected unknown ♥ No mention of any armor in a "weapons and armor" section on Hawaiian warfare at contact. [70] Probably true of earlier period, but more evidence is probably needed.
♠ Chainmail ♣ absent ♥ No metals at this time.
♠ Scaled armor ♣ absent ♥ No metals at this time.
♠ Laminar armor ♣ absent ♥ No metals at this time.
♠ Plate armor ♣ absent ♥ No metals at this time.

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ inferred present ♥ Canoes were present at contact and being used for war and must have been present during earlier periods to reach Hawaii, so we can assume that they were at this time too.
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ absent ♥
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ absent ♥

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Not clear whether this information applies to pre-contact polities. "defenders more commonly established a fortress site known as a pali (cliff) or pā kauau (war enclosure), a “natural or artificial fortress, where they le their wives and children, and to which they fled if vanquished in the field.” One kind of fortress was the point of a narrow, steep-sided ridge that had been made somewhat defensible by digging deep trenches" Pg 35-36. [71]
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Not clear whether this information applies to pre-contact polities. "The Hawaiians generally did not build fortifications, but non-combatants could find sacred sanctuary in places of refuge known as pu'uhonua." Pg 4. [72]
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Not clear whether this information applies to pre-contact polities. "The Hawaiians generally did not build fortifications, but non-combatants could find sacred sanctuary in places of refuge known as pu'uhonua." Pg 4. [73]
♠ Ditch ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Not clear whether this information applies to pre-contact polities. "One kind of fortress was the point of a narrow, steep-sided ridge that had been made somewhat defensible by digging deep trenches" Pg 35-36. [74]
♠ Moat ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Not clear whether this information applies to pre-contact polities. "The Hawaiians generally did not build fortifications, but non-combatants could find sacred sanctuary in places of refuge known as pu'uhonua." Pg 4. [75]
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ inferred absent ♥ Not clear whether this information applies to pre-contact polities. "The Hawaiians generally did not build fortifications, but non-combatants could find sacred sanctuary in places of refuge known as pu'uhonua." Pg 4. [76]. Nevertheless, there does appear to evidence for some stone walls, but I'm not sure if they are used in warfare. The “Great Wall” at Hōnaunau, built around 1600 CE, was over 300m long, 3m high and 5m wide[77][78]. Lapakahi also had a “Great Wall”, which was built between about 1450 and 1500 CE[79].
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ absent ♥
♠ Fortified camps ♣ absent ♥ Not clear whether this information applies to pre-contact polities. "The Hawaiians generally did not build fornications, but non-combatants could find sacred sanctuary in places of refuge known as pu'uhonua." Pg 4. [80]
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ absent ♥ Not clear whether this information applies to pre-contact polities. "The Hawaiians generally did not build fortifications, but non-combatants could find sacred sanctuary in places of refuge known as pu'uhonua." Pg 4. [81]
♠ Long walls ♣ 0 ♥ KM. See “Stone walls” above: the “Great Wall” of Hōnaunau was not nearly large enough to defend an entire territory, so it does not count as a “long wall”. Moreover, if there had been such a “long wall”, it is difficult to imagine that it would not have left any trace in the archaeological, historical, or oral-history record. Therefore I code this as “absent” rather than “<absent>”.
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥ Inferred[82]

Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ Jenny Reddish ♥

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ ♥
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ inferred present ♥ In Ancestral Polynesian society, the term fono referred to a 'deliberative assembly of persons'.[83] R. W. Williamson believed that the ancient Polynesian chief was 'elected by members of his own social group; that "he occupied the place of honour" at group assemblies...'.[84] (Kirch and Green 'think that he correctly distilled the essence of Polynesian chiefship' and that his comments would apply to the qariki position in Ancestral Polynesia).[85] Hawaiian society in this period was likely organized along similar lines, with executive power constrained by the power of a broader community group to make decisions.
♠ Impeachment ♣ ♥

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ present ♥ The society of the earliest Hawaiian settlers 'must have been structured around the Ancestral Polynesian concept of hereditary chieftainship'.[86] 'The Polynesians of ancient Hawaiki [ancestral Polynesia] ... possessed a social system marked by differences in rank, by heritable asymmetry in which these differences are passed down through family lines'.[87]

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Enrico Cioni ♥

Deification of Rulers

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ absent ♥ "The founder of the modern comparative ethnographic genre in Polynesia, Williamson, devoted the atypically short concluding chapter of his three-volume opus to 'the head of the social group,' remarking that 'this office was one of the fundamental features of the social and political systems of Polynesia' (1924, 3:396). Among what we might call pervasive 'systemic cultural patterns' with respect to chiefship, Williamson noted that this social group head was 'the holder of . . . the recognized title or name of the group'; that he was 'invested with a degree of sanctity'; that he 'was the natural high priest of the group'; that he was elected by members of his own social group; that he 'occupied the place of honour' at group assemblies; that 'the land of the group was regarded as being vested in him'; that he had some role in relation to harvests and food supply; and that he had a certain right to first-fruits' (1924, 3:396-400). Williamson modestly concluded by stating that he hoped 'to show hereafter that the chiefs also took the leading part or the position of importance, in feasts, kava parties, and other social functions and ceremonies,' but deferred this to another work. We think that he correctly distilled the essence of Polynesian chiefship, and will argue that the above list would comprise an excellent extended gloss for the PPN term *qariki." [88]

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ absent ♥ "The founder of the modern comparative ethnographic genre in Polynesia, Williamson, devoted the atypically short concluding chapter of his three-volume opus to 'the head of the social group,' remarking that 'this office was one of the fundamental features of the social and political systems of Polynesia' (1924, 3:396). Among what we might call pervasive 'systemic cultural patterns' with respect to chiefship, Williamson noted that this social group head was 'the holder of . . . the recognized title or name of the group'; that he was 'invested with a degree of sanctity'; that he 'was the natural high priest of the group'; that he was elected by members of his own social group; that he 'occupied the place of honour' at group assemblies; that 'the land of the group was regarded as being vested in him'; that he had some role in relation to harvests and food supply; and that he had a certain right to first-fruits' (1924, 3:396-400). Williamson modestly concluded by stating that he hoped 'to show hereafter that the chiefs also took the leading part or the position of importance, in feasts, kava parties, and other social functions and ceremonies,' but deferred this to another work. We think that he correctly distilled the essence of Polynesian chiefship, and will argue that the above list would comprise an excellent extended gloss for the PPN term *qariki." [89]
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Ideology reinforces prosociality ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ production of public goods ♣ suspected unknown ♥

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ inferred absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ inferred absent ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [90] [91] [92]

References

  1. Kirch, P. V. 2010. How Chiefs Became Kings: Divine Kingship and the Rise of Archaic States in Ancient Hawai’i. Berkeley: University of California Press. Pp. 126-7.
  2. Kirch, P. V. 2000. On the Road of the Winds: An Archaeological History of the Pacific Islands Before European Contact. Berkeley: University of California Press. Pg. 291.
  3. Kirch, P. V. 1984. The Evolution of the Polynesian Chiefdoms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pg. 77.
  4. (Kirch 2016, personal communication)
  5. Kirch, P. V. 2010. How Chiefs Became Kings: Divine Kingship and the Rise of Archaic States in Ancient Hawai’i. Berkeley: University of California Press. Pg. 127.
  6. Kirch, P. V. 2010. How Chiefs Became Kings: Divine Kingship and the Rise of Archaic States in Ancient Hawai’i. Berkeley: University of California Press.
  7. (Kirch 2016, personal communication)
  8. Kirch, P. V. 2010. How Chiefs Became Kings: Divine Kingship and the Rise of Archaic States in Ancient Hawai’i. Berkeley: University of California Press.
  9. Kirch, P. V. 2000. On the Road of the Winds: An Archaeological History of the Pacific Islands Before European Contact. Berkeley: University of California Press. Pg. 300.
  10. (Athens, Rieth and Dye 2014) J. Stephen Athens, Timothy M. Rieth and Thomas S. Dye. 2014. 'A Paleoenvironmental and Archaeological Model-Based Age Estimate for the Colonization of Hawai'i'. American Antiquity 79(1): 144-55.
  11. (Kirch 2010, 127) Patrick V. Kirch. 2010. How Chiefs Became Kings: Divine Kingship and the Rise of Archaic States in Ancient Hawai'i. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
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  13. (Kirch 2010, 174) Patrick V. Kirch. 2010. How Chiefs Became Kings: Divine Kingship and the Rise of Archaic States in Ancient Hawai'i. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
  14. (Kirch 2016, personal communication)
  15. (Kirch 2010, 129) Patrick V. Kirch. 2010. How Chiefs Became Kings: Divine Kingship and the Rise of Archaic States in Ancient Hawai'i. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
  16. (Kirch 1985, 302) Patrick V. Kirch. 1985. Feathered Gods and Fishhooks: An Introduction to Hawaiian Archaeology and Prehistory. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press.
  17. (Kirch 2016, personal communication)
  18. Kirch, P. V. 1985. Feathered Gods and Fishhooks: An Introduction to Hawaiian Archaeology and Prehistory. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Pg. 288.
  19. Kirch, P. V. 1985. Feathered Gods and Fishhooks: An Introduction to Hawaiian Archaeology and Prehistory. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Pg. 302.
  20. Kirch, P. V. 2010. How Chiefs Became Kings: Divine Kingship and the Rise of Archaic States in Ancient Hawai’i. Berkeley: University of California Press. Pg. 129.
  21. (Kirch 2012, 45)
  22. (Kirch 2012, 45)
  23. (Kirch & Green 2001, 234)
  24. (Kirch & Green 2001, 234)
  25. (Kirch & Green 2001, 234)
  26. (Kirch 2012, 45)
  27. (Kirch & Green 2001, 131)
  28. (Kirch & Green 2001, 131)
  29. (Kirch & Green 2001, 160)
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  35. (Kirch 2010, 75-76) Patrick Vinton Kirch. 2010. How Chiefs Became Kings: Divine Kingship and the Rise of Archaic States in Ancient Hawai'i. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
  36. (Kirch 2010, 75-76) Patrick Vinton Kirch. 2010. How Chiefs Became Kings: Divine Kingship and the Rise of Archaic States in Ancient Hawai'i. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
  37. (Kirch 2010, 75-76) Patrick Vinton Kirch. 2010. How Chiefs Became Kings: Divine Kingship and the Rise of Archaic States in Ancient Hawai'i. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
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