EcJivaE

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Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ Eva Brandl ♥

♠ Original name ♣ Shuar - Early ♥ The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a 'barbaric' or 'savage' nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations. These groups include the Achuar who straddle the Ecuadorian-Peruvian border near the Pastaza River; the Aguarun settled near the Marañon River in Peru, and the Wampis in Peru who straddle the Santiago River.' [1]

♠ Alternative names ♣ Shuar; Achuara; Aguaruna; Huambisa; Mayna; Chívari; Chiwaro; Gíbari; Givari; Gívaro; Híbaro; Jibaro; Jívara; Jívira; Síwaro; Xívari; Xivaro; Zíbaro ♥ The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a 'barbaric' or 'savage' nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.

♠ Peak Date ♣ ♥ The state of Ecuador was preceded by the Spanish Crown in nominal authority. Ecuador gained independence in the first half of the 19th century: 'The people of Quito, the Ecuadoran capital, claim that it was the scene of the first Ecuadoran patriot uprising against Spanish rule (1809). Invading from Colombia in 1822, the armies of Simón Bolívar and Antonio José de Sucre came to the aid of Ecuadoran rebels, and on May 24 Sucre won the decisive Battle of Pichincha on a mountain slope near Quito, thus assuring Ecuadoran independence.' [2] 'Ecuador’s early history as a country was a tormented one. For some eight years it formed, together with what are now the countries of Panama, Colombia, and Venezuela, the confederation of Gran Colombia. But on May 13, 1830, after a period of protracted regional rivalries, Ecuador seceded and became a separate independent republic.' [3] While initially subject to Spanish colonial incursions, the Shuar tribes later resisted successfully: 'The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.' [4] It seems unreasonable to identify a peak date for this time period.


Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 1534-1830 CE ♥ The state of Ecuador was preceded by the Spanish Crown in nominal authority. Ecuador gained independence in the first half of the 19th century: 'The people of Quito, the Ecuadoran capital, claim that it was the scene of the first Ecuadoran patriot uprising against Spanish rule (1809). Invading from Colombia in 1822, the armies of Simón Bolívar and Antonio José de Sucre came to the aid of Ecuadoran rebels, and on May 24 Sucre won the decisive Battle of Pichincha on a mountain slope near Quito, thus assuring Ecuadoran independence.' [5] 'Ecuador’s early history as a country was a tormented one. For some eight years it formed, together with what are now the countries of Panama, Colombia, and Venezuela, the confederation of Gran Colombia. But on May 13, 1830, after a period of protracted regional rivalries, Ecuador seceded and became a separate independent republic.' [6] While initially subject to Spanish colonial incursions, the Shuar tribes later resisted successfully: 'The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.' [7]

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ nominal: 1534-1599 CE; quasi-polity: 1600-1830 CE ♥ The Spanish colonial administration resided in Quito: 'During much of the colonial period, what is now Ecuador was under the direct jurisdiction of the law court (audiencia) of Quito and ultimately under the rule of the Spanish crown. Spanish culture was spread primarily by religious orders and male Spanish colonists. In the Sierra, the Spaniards established a colony of large estates worked by Indian peons. Settlements included semiautonomous Indian villages and Spanish and mestizo administrative and religious centres such as Quito, Ambato, and Cuenca. The making of rough textiles in primitive sweatshops was the only industry. The development of Roman Catholic religious establishments provided for the flowering of Baroque architecture, sculpture in wood and stone, painting, music, and other arts and crafts. In the tropical Costa, much of the population died as a result of introduced diseases, and the area remained unhealthy until the advent of modern medicine. As a result, the coast was somewhat neglected during the colonial period, although there was some shipbuilding and exporting of cacao (as cocoa beans) from the port of Guayaquil. The small coastal population of slaves, free blacks, and mixed ethnicities, with plenty of vacant land and less coercion of labour, developed a culture very different from that of the Sierra. In the Oriente, the region on the eastern slopes between the Andes and the headwaters of the Amazon, large populations of Shuar and other indigenous people successfully repelled European invaders; however, Jesuits and other missionaries were able to spread both Christianity and the Quichua language. The Spaniards used Quichua as a language of evangelization-at one period missionaries were required to know the language-and continued to spread it orally by means of Quichua speakers who travelled with them in further conquests. The country’s fourth major subdivision, the Galapagos Islands, were little more than pirate nests during the colonial period. They were to achieve world fame in the 19th century, because it was there that Charles Darwin made a major portion of the observations that led to his theories on evolution and his On the Origin of Species. The people of Quito, the Ecuadoran capital, claim that it was the scene of the first Ecuadoran patriot uprising against Spanish rule (1809). Invading from Colombia in 1822, the armies of Simón Bolívar and Antonio José de Sucre came to the aid of Ecuadoran rebels, and on May 24 Sucre won the decisive Battle of Pichincha on a mountain slope near Quito, thus assuring Ecuadoran independence.' [8] While initially subject to Spanish colonial incursions, the Shuar tribes later resisted successfully: 'The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.' [9] The code cannot fully reflect the complexities of the colonial situation, with white settlers, subjected native communities, and de facto self-governing groups all inhabiting land nominally claimed by the Spanish crown and its administration in Quito. Most Shuar communities were de facto autonomous, hence the code.

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ vassalage: 1534-1599 CE; none: 1600-1830 CE ♥ The Spanish colonial administration resided in Quito: 'During much of the colonial period, what is now Ecuador was under the direct jurisdiction of the law court (audiencia) of Quito and ultimately under the rule of the Spanish crown. Spanish culture was spread primarily by religious orders and male Spanish colonists. In the Sierra, the Spaniards established a colony of large estates worked by Indian peons. Settlements included semiautonomous Indian villages and Spanish and mestizo administrative and religious centres such as Quito, Ambato, and Cuenca. The making of rough textiles in primitive sweatshops was the only industry. The development of Roman Catholic religious establishments provided for the flowering of Baroque architecture, sculpture in wood and stone, painting, music, and other arts and crafts. In the tropical Costa, much of the population died as a result of introduced diseases, and the area remained unhealthy until the advent of modern medicine. As a result, the coast was somewhat neglected during the colonial period, although there was some shipbuilding and exporting of cacao (as cocoa beans) from the port of Guayaquil. The small coastal population of slaves, free blacks, and mixed ethnicities, with plenty of vacant land and less coercion of labour, developed a culture very different from that of the Sierra. In the Oriente, the region on the eastern slopes between the Andes and the headwaters of the Amazon, large populations of Shuar and other indigenous people successfully repelled European invaders; however, Jesuits and other missionaries were able to spread both Christianity and the Quichua language. The Spaniards used Quichua as a language of evangelization-at one period missionaries were required to know the language-and continued to spread it orally by means of Quichua speakers who travelled with them in further conquests. The country’s fourth major subdivision, the Galapagos Islands, were little more than pirate nests during the colonial period. They were to achieve world fame in the 19th century, because it was there that Charles Darwin made a major portion of the observations that led to his theories on evolution and his On the Origin of Species. The people of Quito, the Ecuadoran capital, claim that it was the scene of the first Ecuadoran patriot uprising against Spanish rule (1809). Invading from Colombia in 1822, the armies of Simón Bolívar and Antonio José de Sucre came to the aid of Ecuadoran rebels, and on May 24 Sucre won the decisive Battle of Pichincha on a mountain slope near Quito, thus assuring Ecuadoran independence.' [10] While initially subject to Spanish colonial incursions, the Shuar tribes later resisted successfully: 'The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.' [11] The code reflects the relationship between the colonial administration and the motherland. As stated above, the code cannot fully reflect the complexities of the colonial situation.

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ Shuar Tribes ♥ Much of what is now Ecuador was ruled by the Incas prior to Spanish colonization: 'The area presently known as Ecuador had a long history before the arrival of Europeans. Pottery figurines and containers have been discovered that date from 3000 to 2500 bce, ranking them among the earliest ceramics in the New World. Ecuadoran ceramic styles probably influenced cultures from Peru to Mexico. Early artistic traditions such as Valdivia, Machalilla, and Chorrera were of high quality, resulting in works of art that are on display in museums around the world. By the 1400s Ecuador was divided into warring chiefdoms. Large populations were supported by sophisticated raised-field cultivation systems, and trade networks united the Costa (the Pacific coastal plain), the Sierra (the mountainous Andean area of central Ecuador), and the Oriente (the eastern region). Chiefs built large earthen mounds (tolas) that served as bases for their homes. However, Ecuador lacked cities and states until after the Inca conquest. The conquest was begun by Topa Inca Yupanqui (ruled 1471-93) and extended by his successor, Huayna Capac (ruled 1493-1525), who lived much of his later life in Tomebamba. Although their cultural impact was otherwise spotty, the Inca spread the use of Quichua as a lingua franca and ordered large forced migrations where resistance to their conquest was especially strong. In Ecuador it is evident that Inca rule was resented by some and supported strongly by others. Huayna Capac left the Inca empire divided between his legitimate heir, Huascar, in Cuzco, and his son by an Ecuadoran Cara princess, Atahuallpa. This led to a territorial dispute, and Atahuallpa won the ensuing civil war after a major battle near Riobamba in 1532; at just about the same time, a Spanish expedition led by Francisco Pizarro appeared off the coast. Atahuallpa was executed the next year as the Spanish conquest spread. In many parts of what is now Ecuador, Inca rule was less than 50 years old, and many of the pre-Inca chiefdoms still held the peoples’ allegiance. As a result, the Spanish under Pizarro’s lieutenant Sebastian de Benalcázar were welcomed as liberators by some when they invaded Ecuador from Peru in 1534, while stiff resistance was encountered from others, especially the local leader, Rumiñahui, who was captured by the Spanish and executed in Quito.' [12] While initially subject to Spanish colonial incursions, the Shuar tribes later resisted successfully, as they had done against the Incas before them: 'The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Shuar are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.' [13]
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ elite migration ♥ While initially subject to Spanish colonial incursions, the Shuar tribes later resisted successfully: 'The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.' [14]
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ Shuar - Ecuadorian ♥ Ecuador gained independence in the first half of the 19th century: 'The people of Quito, the Ecuadoran capital, claim that it was the scene of the first Ecuadoran patriot uprising against Spanish rule (1809). Invading from Colombia in 1822, the armies of Simón Bolívar and Antonio José de Sucre came to the aid of Ecuadoran rebels, and on May 24 Sucre won the decisive Battle of Pichincha on a mountain slope near Quito, thus assuring Ecuadoran independence.' [15] 'Ecuador’s early history as a country was a tormented one. For some eight years it formed, together with what are now the countries of Panama, Colombia, and Venezuela, the confederation of Gran Colombia. But on May 13, 1830, after a period of protracted regional rivalries, Ecuador seceded and became a separate independent republic.' [16] In the early 20th century, Ecuador increasingly felt the repercussions of global economic and political developments: 'The period between 1925 and 1948 was one of greater turbulence than Ecuador had ever known. Increasing involvement in the world market and in international politics meant that the country could no longer escape entanglements and the consequences of world ideological conflicts. Yet during this crucial period, Ecuador’s internal disunity prevented the modernization of its social structure, land tenure system, education, and communications. Thus, the country was badly equipped to face the demands of the age.' [17] Despite of trade networks involving both indigenous and settler populations, bureaucratic and coercive penetration of Shuar territory was slow during the early Ecuadorian period (see below).
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ Amazonia ♥ The names of the relevant Shuar groups are: 'Shuar (Shuara), Achuara (Atchuara, Achual), Aguaruna, Huambisa (Huambiza), Mayna' [18] From the colonial period onwards, contact with Spanish and later Ecuadorian settler populations and traders needs to be factored in as well: 'The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.' [19] 'Frontier' groups acted as intermediaries between white settlers and 'interior' communities: 'Much of the trade of the Jivaro is between the "interior", relatively isolated groups (particularly the Achuara) and those "frontier" groups living in close proximity to Ecuadorian settlements where they have easy access to Western industrialized products. Through a series of neighborhood-to-neighborhood relays by native trading partners (AMIGRI ) these products were passed from the frontier Jivaro into the most remote parts of the tribal territory. Thus the interior Jivaro were supplied with steel cutting tools, firearms and ammunition without having to come into contact with the population of European ancestry. In exchange the frontier Jivaro, whose supply of local game was nearly exhausted, obtained hides, feathers and bird skins (used for ornaments), which were not readily available in their own territory.' [20] eHRAF groups the Shuar with other indigenous societies of the Amazon-Orinoco area [21]. Wikipedia gives the size of Amazonia as 5,500,000 square kilometres [22].
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ 5,500,000 ♥ km squared. The names of the relevant Shuar groups are: 'Shuar (Shuara), Achuara (Atchuara, Achual), Aguaruna, Huambisa (Huambiza), Mayna' [23] From the colonial period onwards, contact with Spanish and later Ecuadorian settler populations and traders needs to be factored in as well: 'The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.' [24] 'Frontier' groups acted as intermediaries between white settlers and 'interior' communities: 'Much of the trade of the Jivaro is between the "interior", relatively isolated groups (particularly the Achuara) and those "frontier" groups living in close proximity to Ecuadorian settlements where they have easy access to Western industrialized products. Through a series of neighborhood-to-neighborhood relays by native trading partners (AMIGRI ) these products were passed from the frontier Jivaro into the most remote parts of the tribal territory. Thus the interior Jivaro were supplied with steel cutting tools, firearms and ammunition without having to come into contact with the population of European ancestry. In exchange the frontier Jivaro, whose supply of local game was nearly exhausted, obtained hides, feathers and bird skins (used for ornaments), which were not readily available in their own territory.' [25] eHRAF groups the Shuar with other indigenous societies of the Amazon-Orinoco area [26]. Wikipedia gives the size of Amazonia as 5,500,000 square kilometres [27].

♠ Capital ♣ Quito ♥ Quito: 1534-1599 CE; none: 1600-1830 CE While initially subject to Spanish colonial incursions, the Shuar tribes later resisted successfully: 'The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.' [28] The Spanish colonial administration resided in Quito: 'During much of the colonial period, what is now Ecuador was under the direct jurisdiction of the law court (audiencia) of Quito and ultimately under the rule of the Spanish crown. Spanish culture was spread primarily by religious orders and male Spanish colonists. In the Sierra, the Spaniards established a colony of large estates worked by Indian peons. Settlements included semiautonomous Indian villages and Spanish and mestizo administrative and religious centres such as Quito, Ambato, and Cuenca. The making of rough textiles in primitive sweatshops was the only industry. The development of Roman Catholic religious establishments provided for the flowering of Baroque architecture, sculpture in wood and stone, painting, music, and other arts and crafts. In the tropical Costa, much of the population died as a result of introduced diseases, and the area remained unhealthy until the advent of modern medicine. As a result, the coast was somewhat neglected during the colonial period, although there was some shipbuilding and exporting of cacao (as cocoa beans) from the port of Guayaquil. The small coastal population of slaves, free blacks, and mixed ethnicities, with plenty of vacant land and less coercion of labour, developed a culture very different from that of the Sierra. In the Oriente, the region on the eastern slopes between the Andes and the headwaters of the Amazon, large populations of Shuar and other indigenous people successfully repelled European invaders; however, Jesuits and other missionaries were able to spread both Christianity and the Quichua language. The Spaniards used Quichua as a language of evangelization-at one period missionaries were required to know the language-and continued to spread it orally by means of Quichua speakers who travelled with them in further conquests. The country’s fourth major subdivision, the Galapagos Islands, were little more than pirate nests during the colonial period. They were to achieve world fame in the 19th century, because it was there that Charles Darwin made a major portion of the observations that led to his theories on evolution and his On the Origin of Species. The people of Quito, the Ecuadoran capital, claim that it was the scene of the first Ecuadoran patriot uprising against Spanish rule (1809). Invading from Colombia in 1822, the armies of Simón Bolívar and Antonio José de Sucre came to the aid of Ecuadoran rebels, and on May 24 Sucre won the decisive Battle of Pichincha on a mountain slope near Quito, thus assuring Ecuadoran independence.' [29] The Shuar population was not organized around a capital. Quito therefore serves as a provisional code reflecting the presence of Spanish colonial forces in what is now Ecuador.


♠ Language ♣ Shuar ♥ The Shaur language is often referred to as 'Jivaro' by scholars. 'The Jivaro language is named Šuor by those who use it and Aoka by the neighboring peoples. It is spoken by both men and women, the latter use no other dialect among themselves.' [30] There is some disagreement on the precise linguistic grouping of relevant languages: 'It is generally believed that the Jivaro speak languages belonging to the Jivaroan Family of languages, but most historical linguists find it difficult to assign Jivaroan dialects and languages with any certainty to any of the recognized major language families of South American Indians. Greenberg, as noted in Harner (1973) has suggested that Jivaro as well as several other languages belong to a broad "Andean Equatorial" family (Harner, 1973: 13). In addition some Jivaro also speak Quechua as well as Spanish.' [31] 'Jívaro, South American Indian people living in the Montaña (the eastern slopes of the Andes), in Ecuador and Peru north of the Marañón River. They speak a language of the Jebero-Jivaroan group.' [32]

General Description

The forested foothills of the Andes, near the border between Ecuador and Peru, have long been inhabited by the Shuar, subsistence horticulturalists living in autonomous residential hamlets. There are many Shuar groups, but here we focus specifically on the Ecuadorian group commonly known simply as 'Shuar'. Europeans - specifically, Spaniards - first encountered the Shuar in the 16th century and soon imposed tributes, which the Shuar paid, in increasing amounts, until they rebelled in 1599, driving the Spanish out of the region. Indeed, the Shuar were able to ward off outside interference up until 1930, just as they were able to avoid being subjugated by the Inca. In 1930, Catholic missionaries persuaded the Ecuadorian government to provide a reservation for the Shuar.[33]

Population and political organization

Authority among the Shuar was mostly informal and local, and resided in men referred to as unyä ('big' or 'old' men) or kakaram ('powerful ones'). These were usually renowned warriors or shamans, but they in fact acquired their reputation by being old enough to have grandchildren, as well as through their friendliness, honesty and generosity in dealing with others. The unyä or kakaram were believed to be able to curse to death anyone who angered them.[34]
The scholarly literature does not provide population estimates, even for the more recent period. Indeed, writing in the 1920s, the ethnographer Fritz W. Up de Graff declared that obtaining accurate statistics relating to the Shuar was an 'impossible task' due to their migratory habits and commitment to concealing their true numbers from potential enemies.[35]

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ Eva Brandl ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ 16 ♥ km2. An estimate of 16 km2, calculated on the basis that villages were typically 4 km apart. [36] The Spanish subjected parts of the Shuar population, but were unable to maintain control over Shuar territory as a whole: 'The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.' [37] The gradual 'fraying out' of colonial control from 'frontier' to 'interior' communities makes the drawing of clear territorial and demographic boundaries more difficult: 'Much of the trade of the Jivaro is between the "interior", relatively isolated groups (particularly the Achuara) and those "frontier" groups living in close proximity to Ecuadorian settlements where they have easy access to Western industrialized products. Through a series of neighborhood-to-neighborhood relays by native trading partners (AMIGRI) these products were passed from the frontier Jivaro into the most remote parts of the tribal territory. Thus the interior Jivaro were supplied with steel cutting tools, firearms and ammunition without having to come into contact with the population of European ancestry. In exchange the frontier Jivaro, whose supply of local game was nearly exhausted, obtained hides, feathers and bird skins (used for ornaments), which were not readily available in their own territory.' [38] As indicated above, the Shuar political system was decentralized and fragmented, given the persistence of autonomous communities and ad hoc alliances in warfare. We therefore cannot confidently provide proxy measures.

♠ Polity Population ♣ 300 ♥ People. An estimate of up to 300 people, i.e. the same as the population of a village. [39] The Spanish subjected parts of the Shuar population, but were unable to maintain control over Shuar territory as a whole: 'The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.' [40] The gradual 'fraying out' of colonial control from 'frontier' to 'interior' communities makes the drawing of clear territorial and demographic boundaries more difficult: 'Much of the trade of the Jivaro is between the "interior", relatively isolated groups (particularly the Achuara) and those "frontier" groups living in close proximity to Ecuadorian settlements where they have easy access to Western industrialized products. Through a series of neighborhood-to-neighborhood relays by native trading partners (AMIGRI) these products were passed from the frontier Jivaro into the most remote parts of the tribal territory. Thus the interior Jivaro were supplied with steel cutting tools, firearms and ammunition without having to come into contact with the population of European ancestry. In exchange the frontier Jivaro, whose supply of local game was nearly exhausted, obtained hides, feathers and bird skins (used for ornaments), which were not readily available in their own territory.' [41] As indicated above, the Shuar political system was decentralized and fragmented, given the persistence of autonomous communities and ad hoc alliances in warfare. We therefore cannot confidently provide proxy measures.

♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ 300 ♥ Inhabitants. The Shuar did not inhabit large settlements, travelling to colonial towns for the purpose of trade rather than settlement (see below). We have therefore chosen to code for the larger margin of the spectrum provided below (see 'settlement hierarchy'). [42]

Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ 1 ♥ levels.

(1) Residential Hamlets

The Shuar lived in autonomous residential hamlets (these are sometimes referred to as 'Jivaras' by scholars): 'Each community is politically independent with its own headman. Each is also located four or more kilometers from their nearest neighboring community. The community is made up of patrilineally and affinally related individuals, traditionally consisting of from 80 to 300 people (30 to 40 people in the twentieth century), living in one house called a JIVARIA. For defensive purposes, this house is built on a steep hill usually at the upper end of a stream. The house itself is approximately 13 meters by 26 meters in size, elliptical in shape, and has a thatched roof. In times of war, two or more communities united to fight a common enemy, as was the case when the Spanish attempted to conquer them.' [43] The Jivaria housed the whole kin-based community: 'The Jívaro have a tropical-forest agriculture, growing cassava, corn (maize), sweet potatoes, and other crops supplemented by the gathering of wild fruits, fishing, and hunting. The blowgun and poisoned darts are their chief weapons. Related families live in a single large community house rather than in a village.' [44] 'The houses are always very spacious since they have to serve more than one family. According to one of my informants, such a house is inhabited by up to 50 persons. As a rule it is the Curaca, as the chief, with his children and their wives and husbands. And since a Curaca may have up to ten wives, the great number of dwellers can be explained without difficulty. The aforementioned house of the Curaca Laichape had a width of 10 meters and a length of 15 meters. 20 - 30 persons lived in this house.' [45] 'It is the rule that a settlement consists of only one house. Two houses, as I had seen them, for instance, in S. Antonio, are rarely found together. The various houses form, however, larger or smaller groups, separated from each other by forest and yet connected with each other by narrow footpaths. One such group has a definite name.' [46] '“Jivaro houses, it might be noted, are never built closely together after the manner of a village, but widely separated in the jungle, with greater resultant personal freedom and less squabbling amongst neighbours. A wise precaution which we in our country might emulate to advantage.”' [47] 'Generally, there are many families living in a single house, usually about 15 people united by close family ties. The building has the form of an elongated ellipse( ) (fig. 10). the long axis of which measures 15 to 25 meters. The framework is made in the following manner: two posts about 4 meters high, placed in the foci of the ellipse, support a longitudinal ridge-pole, four other posts measuring about 3 meters in height, located on the periphery at the angles of the [584] rectangle inscribed in this ellipse, support two transverse longitudinal timbers which outline this rectangle. All this framework is of chonta wood (Bactris Iriartea) and the joints are secured with the aid of lianas. The walls( ) are made of cane-stalks (Guadua angustifolia) placed close together; in addition to this they are reinforced on the inside to a height of 1 50 from the ground by planks of chonta or caña about 5 cm. wide, arranged in such a manner that their joints never coincide with the interstices of the exterior wall. This precaution is for the purpose of preventing an enemy thrusting his lance through the fissures and striking the Jíbaro in his bed, which, as well shall see, is backed up against the partition. The battens are made of caña stalks spaced o 50 apart and placed in diverging rays from the longitudinal beam to the peripheral beams; cross-beams placed at the same distance from each other complete the lattice work upon which the roof rests; the roof is formed of little bundles of straw called cambana or of leaves of a kind of Pandanus (cambaalga), skillfully imbricated from the edges toward the center.' [48] Autonomous hamlets were separated by no-man's lands: 'The redistribution of settlements and creation of no-man's lands between them has been a repeated consequence of escalated hostilities between or within Jivaroan subgroups. The fact that these buffer zones may not be reoccupied or exploited for several decades is important to the reestablishment of game densities in zones that may have experienced considerable hunting over long periods of time. The relationship between game depletion, armed conflict, and no-man's lands is explored below and in greater detail elsewhere (see Bennett Ross 1980:48,53).' [49] 'The escalation of hostilities also may lead relatives to withdraw from home communities and unite at a single fortified settlement. However, attempts to construct separate dwellings and gardens require time and considerable effort, and the stress placed on the facilities and resources available to such communities provides an important impetus to reconcile the difficulties when possible.' [50] Hamlets were left behind and reestablished elsewhere periodically: 'The Indians are inhabitants of a region which extends along the upper course of the Marañón River, from Yusamaro downward to Puerto Meléndez at the Pongo de Manseriche. They live in this region in small and widely dispersed settlements close to the banks of the River. I have been informed that their chief settlements are located farther up along the tributary rivers. Beyond Yusamaro no Indians are said to remain anymore, yet formerly their settlements are said to have extended to the Pongo Rentema. They had moved down to the Marañón River on account of the quarrels they had with the whites or, rather, the mestizos. Their settlements can not be called permanent anyway. Despite the fact that the Indians live at one place for a long time, and in relatively permanent dwellings at that, they are said to leave their settlements frequently for no special reason in order to reestablish themselves again at some distance from the former settlement.' [51] During the early Ecuadorian period, there was apparently no significant migration of Shuar to colonial towns: 'By 1899, when the explorer Up de Graff ascended the Marañón, Barranca was considered the westernmost outpost of civilization on the river (1923:146). It had, nevertheless, withstood its own share of Indian attacks (Larrabure i Correa 1905/II:369; IX:357-367). Less than a year prior to Up de Graff's visit, Barranca was nearly devastated by a party of Huambisas who arrived from upriver ostensibly to trade, but then burned and looted most of the cauchero quarters (Up de Graff 1923:150).' [52] 'By the turn of the century, when Ecuadorian missionaries had reunited some of the scattered refugees and reestablished their town on the Bobonaza River, there were at least a dozen caucheros exploiting rubber along western tributaries of the middle Pastaza such as the Huasaga (Fuentes 1908/I:194ff.), which was gradually being occupied by southward-moving Achuarä.' [53]

♠ Administrative levels ♣ [1-2] ♥ levels.

1. Headmen doubling as Ad Hoc-Supralocal Leaders

2. Local Leaders (Kakaram) and Headmen or Chiefs (Kuraka)

Shuar political organization was local and informal: "The Jivaro lack any formal political organization, although an informal form of leadership is found in the role of individuals referred to as UNYÄ ("big" or "old" men) or KAKARAM ("powerful" or "powerful ones") who are renown as killers in feuds or war, or exercise important shamanistic powers in the community. These individuals acquire their reputation in the community by being old enough to have grandchildren, and are friendly, honest, and generous in dealing with others in the society. Because of these characteristics the UNYÄ or KAKARAM are believed to possess great ARUTAM soul power and the ability to curse to death anyone who incurs their anger. Generally most neighborhoods have at least one or two UNYÄ as well as a few superior shamans who provide protection for their relatives or other individuals with whom they are on friendly terms."[54]

"If we may speak of a ‘government’, it is a purely patriarchal one, the head of the family and the owner of the house being at the same time the ‘chief’ of this small community, theoretically even with absolute power. It is of particular interest to see how he exercises this power in practice."[55]

"The chief of this group is the one who by his endurance, his skill, his intelligence, his courage and also by luck imposes himself on the individuals of the neighborhood. His authority rests only on a tacit assent, carries no exterior emblem or sign, and in no case is transmitted by heredity to his descendants. His role is limited to the coordination of individual efforts in special circumstances. In times of peace he has no longer any special attributes. Occasionally, a peril or a common hate make allies of neighboring tribes, but these alliances are only temporary."[56]

Some more prominent leaders emerged in times of war with external colonial powers, although even those arrangements were fluid. The following example relates to the Ecuadorian period, but it is possible that the Spanish also recognized overall leaders among the Shuar. "Four or five years ago there was a strong chief on the Upano River named Tuki, known to the Ecuadoreans as José Grande. In the manner previously described, all of the curakas from Macas on the Upano River to Mendez on the Paute River became subchiefs under him until he was generally recognized as the strongest of all of the Jivaro curakas. However, he was beginning to grow old by this time and some of his subcurakas were strong men in their own right. About 2 years ago, Ambusha, who had been gradually gaining in power and becoming famous for his head-hunting activities, split off with his own group, taking several curakas and their men with him. A little later Utita did the same thing. At the time of the writer's visit (1931), although Tuki was recognized by the Government of Ecuador as being head chief of the Macas-Mendez region, actually he had lost all power excepting that over his own family group and was in reality no more than a capito. These divisions of the organization, if it may be termed such, took place apparently without any ill-feeling or formal announcements."[57]

♠ Religious levels ♣ 2 ♥ levels.

1. Higher Shaman

2. Lower Shaman.

"The relationship between the shaman supplying the magical power and the person receiving it is not a relationship between equals. The power-giver is referred to in these tribes as the 'higher' shaman, and the recipient as the 'lower.' The 'higher' and 'lower' designations refer to actual authority and control exercised by the giver of power over the recipient. The higher shaman, it is believed, can magically take back the power which he has conferred, regardless of the distance separating the two shamans (see pp. 165-66). He may take back this power because of a personal offense, or because he has been bribed to do so by an enemy of the lower shaman. Such occurrences are frequently reported, and there are a number of former shamans who testify that they lost their power in this manner."[58]

"A sudden loss of shamanistic power is believed to result in serious illness and often in death. The lower shaman, therefore, tends to fear his higher associate and attempts to keep on good terms with him. With this purpose in mind, he sends tribute in the form of substantial gifts of material valuables (kuit) at regular intervals. Such kuit includes shotguns, hunting dogs, blowguns, curare, feather headbands (tawaspä), and Western-manufactured shirts and trousers. He particularly hopes that these gifts will offset any bribes that may be offered to the higher shaman."[59]

"A secondary incentive for sending tribute is the need of the lower shaman to replenish his supply of magical darts [Page 122] every few years. His power, in the form of these spirit servants, is gradually used up through curing, bewitching, or dispensing it. He expects, therefore, to have to replenish his supply by visiting his higher associate. The lower shaman may look forward to help from the higher man only if he has been faithful in the submission of goods."[60]

"Tribute between shamans flows from the south, since, of course, the most powerful shamans are in the north. The tribute follows the lines of the shaman hierarchies up into the Canelos tribe. These hierarchies do not converge upon a single Canelos shaman, however, because there are a number of banks of about equal power in the tribe. In other words, this is basically a system of plural and parallel hierarchies culminating in the same region, but not in the same individual."[61]

"The hierarchical situation is further complicated by the fact that a given shaman frequently obtains magical power from several higher associates. He does this so that his power cannot be completely taken away from him at the whim of a single higher shaman. This tendency seems to prevent the hierarchies from being used as chains of authority. Since a shaman is thus often directly subordinate to several others, considerable intertwining of hierarchical relationships occurs (see Figure 3)."[62]

♠ Military levels ♣ 3 ♥ levels.

(1) Prominent War-Leaders; (2) Local Headmen and Leaders (Kakaram; Kuraka); (3) Citizen-soldiers or Warriors

Shuar military organization was informal, given the political autonomy of local groups: 'The Jivaro lack any formal political organization, although an informal form of leadership is found in the role of individuals referred to as UNYÄ ("big" or "old" men) or KAKARAM ("powerful" or "powerful ones") who are renown as killers in feuds or war, or exercise important shamanistic powers in the community. These individuals acquire their reputation in the community by being old enough to have grandchildren, and are friendly, honest, and generous in dealing with others in the society. Because of these characteristics the UNYÄ or KAKARAM are believed to possess great ARUTAM soul power and the ability to curse to death anyone who incurs their anger. Generally most neighborhoods have at least one or two UNYÄ as well as a few superior shamans who provide protection for their relatives or other individuals with whom they are on friendly terms.' [63] 'Each community is politically independent with its own headman. Each is also located four or more kilometers from their nearest neighboring community. The community is made up of patrilineally and affinally related individuals, traditionally consisting of from 80 to 300 people (30 to 40 people in the twentieth century), living in one house called a JIVARIA. For defensive purposes, this house is built on a steep hill usually at the upper end of a stream. The house itself is approximately 13 meters by 26 meters in size, elliptical in shape, and has a thatched roof. In times of war, two or more communities united to fight a common enemy, as was the case when the Spanish attempted to conquer them.' [64] 'Their society is thus based on the family and the blood tie. Only such sub-tribes as recognize some sort of consanguinity display a feeling of solidarity: the rest, although they speak the same language, are looked upon, not only as outsiders, but as downright natural enemies, a feature which will be further illustrated in the part dealing with their wars. It is as a rule between the different sub-tribes that the wars of extermination have occurred.' [65] Warriors were accordingly male members of feuding communities: 'The terrible custom demands ever new, ever more victims, all security must disappear, every individual constantly lives in danger of being ambushed; there is a general and permanent state of war. Hence the arrangement of the houses, one door of which can be used for flight, while the battle rages at the other; hence the customs mentioned at the beginning in connection with approaching a dwelling, for the protection of which, in addition, a pack of half-wild dogs are kept. A quarrel between two families must lead to battles between whole tribes; larger groups of tribes become hostile to one another; war and battle become customary, a man's lifework. A longer period of quiet, of peace, must be unbearable for such a nation of warriors. Ambitious, bold leaders will easily find companions for joint war expeditions; the neighboring nations are attacked and plundered. Thus, these Indians are carrying on among themselves a war of annihilation which must gradually bring about their own downfall. Severe depopulation is already noticeable in the region of the Jívaros, and it is being accelerated by epidemics, of the diseases introduced by the Europeans, which appear with great violence at times.' [66] Warfare was deeply connected to headhunting: 'The primary motivation for warfare is to secure as many human heads as possible from an alien tribe, and secondarily to capture women. The acquisition of territory had never been a motive for engaging in warfare. The war party, consisting of approximately thirty or forty men, is recruited from the community itself or from friendly neighborhoods nearby, and is usually led by the or as war leader or chief. Actual warfare consists of preliminary ceremonies involving ritualized chanting, surprise attacks against one or two enemy houses, the killing and decapitation of the inhabitants or the occasional capture of a girl or woman as an extra wife, and the preparation of the on the return to the home village. Unlike many of the warlike Amazon tribes captives are not tortured or sacrificed, nor is cannibalism practiced.' [67] Local leaders and chiefs often combined 'political' and 'military' duties rather than separating them: '“The dignity of a chieftain is hereditary in a relative sense, in so far that the son of a chief is generally elected chief in time of war after his father has died or grown decrepit. This, however, can only take place if he has proved a valiant and skilled warrior and has killed enemies. No Jibaro is selected as a chief if he has not killed at least one enemy. The Jibaros have absolute faith in the heritability of prominent qualities, and ascribe extraordinary importance to education and the power of example. The son of a great chief, they say, must necessarily also become an able warrior because he is, as it were, a direct continuation of his father, has received a careful education for the deeds of war, and has always had the good example of his great father before his eyes.”' [68] In times of war against external colonial enemies or larger tribal groups, different communities combined to attach themselves to a common war-leader, although even those arrangements were fluid and often of an ad hoc character. [Family and local leadership can extend beyond a single community; even in recent times (ie, in the 1970’s) some particularly strong men could aggregate several local groups in conflict situations and lead quite large war parties; however, such positions were unstable and rarely lasted more than a few years, if that. The definition of ‘community’ is highly relative; ‘my people’ can include a single nuclear family, or a collection of communities temporarily coalesced around a powerful war leader.] 'Still, as appears from their history, there have been occasions when they have been able to overcome the natural antipathy separating them from one another, and to unite against a common enemy. This common enemy has been the white man, who has so often threatened [184] the liberty of the people; but the alliances, such as that for instance in 1599, have been exceptional and wholly due to the influence of a single, eminent personality.”' [69]' 'When a whole tribe, or perhaps several tribes together, prepare a war against one or more other tribes, the first thing done is to elect a common chief. He should be an elderly, experienced man, who has taken part in several wars, killed many enemies, and celebrated at least one victory feast. The rest of the warriors, who are generally younger men, swear him unlimited obedience. During the time the expedition is planned and the preparations are made, the warriors, and especially the chief, repeatedly drink maikoa or natéma to consult the spirits. They pay great attention to their dreams, even to those not produced under the direct influence of the narcotic drinks, tell them to each other, and discuss their possible significance. Only if they believe that they have received favourable answers and all omens are good are measures taken to carry out the war plan conceived. Meanwhile they try, through spies, to acquire as accurate a knowledge as possible about everything concerning the enemy: how many houses there are in the tract, how many fighting men in each house, if the houses are fortified, if the [283] men are well armed, and especially if they have firearms. All these and similar details the spies investigate by making trips into the country of the enemy and by stealing at night to the houses. Everything is prepared with the greatest secrecy possible, so that the enemy is caught unprepared, for otherwise he will have time to take measures of defence that may defeat the whole undertaking.”' [70] '“The authority of the chief elected for a war is very great. It is he alone who arranges everything for the expedition planned, who decides [268] about the time for and the mode of making the attack, and the younger warriors oblige themselves to obey him in everything. But as soon as a war has been carried to a successful end the power of the chief ceases, and he has, in spite of the great repute he always enjoys, no more authority or right to decide about the doings of his tribesmen than any other family-father among the Jibaros.”' [71] Ecuador later recognized some of those leaders as regional head-chiefs: 'Four or five years ago there was a strong chief on the Upano River named Tuki, known to the Ecuadoreans as José Grande. In the manner previously described, all of the curakas from Macas on the Upano River to Mendez on the Paute River became subchiefs under him until he was generally recognized as the strongest of all of the Jivaro curakas. However, he was beginning to grow old by this time and some of his subcurakas were strong men in their own right. About 2 years ago, Ambusha, who had been gradually gaining in power and becoming famous for his head-hunting activities, split off with his own group, taking several curakas and their men with him. A little later Utita did the same thing. At the time of the writer's visit (1931), although Tuki was recognized by the Government of Ecuador as being head chief of the Macas-Mendez region, actually he had lost all power excepting that over his own family group and was in reality no more than a capito. These divisions of the organization, if it may be termed such, took place apparently without any ill-feeling or formal announcements.' [72] This may be true even for the Spanish colonial period, given the temporary 'peace pacts' concluded between settlers and natives (see General Variables for context).

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ absent ♥ Full-time specialists Blood-vengeance and warfare were organized by community members: 'The terrible custom demands ever new, ever more victims, all security must disappear, every individual constantly lives in danger of being ambushed; there is a general and permanent state of war. Hence the arrangement of the houses, one door of which can be used for flight, while the battle rages at the other; hence the customs mentioned at the beginning in connection with approaching a dwelling, for the protection of which, in addition, a pack of half-wild dogs are kept. A quarrel between two families must lead to battles between whole tribes; larger groups of tribes become hostile to one another; war and battle become customary, a man's lifework. A longer period of quiet, of peace, must be unbearable for such a nation of warriors. Ambitious, bold leaders will easily find companions for joint war expeditions; the neighboring nations are attacked and plundered. Thus, these Indians are carrying on among themselves a war of annihilation which must gradually bring about their own downfall. Severe depopulation is already noticeable in the region of the Jívaros, and it is being accelerated by epidemics, of the diseases introduced by the Europeans, which appear with great violence at times.' [73] 'The primary motivation for warfare is to secure as many human heads as possible from an alien tribe, and secondarily to capture women. The acquisition of territory had never been a motive for engaging in warfare. The war party, consisting of approximately thirty or forty men, is recruited from the community itself or from friendly neighborhoods nearby, and is usually led by the or as war leader or chief. Actual warfare consists of preliminary ceremonies involving ritualized chanting, surprise attacks against one or two enemy houses, the killing and decapitation of the inhabitants or the occasional capture of a girl or woman as an extra wife, and the preparation of the on the return to the home village. Unlike many of the warlike Amazon tribes captives are not tortured or sacrificed, nor is cannibalism practiced.' [74] 'It therefore behooves any Achuarä contemplating revenge upon someone to discuss his plans with potential allies, aligning them in his camp in advance of his action. The recruitment of military support among the Achuarä and other Jivaroans (cf. Harner 1972:98) is a rather insecure business. This derives, in part, from the fact that social relations are organized within a framework of cognatic, bilateral kinship, in which the only people sharing the same personal kindreds, and the rights and obligations associated with them, are siblings. Furthermore, the only military support of which one truly can be assured, once a contemplated or actual homicide develops, comes from persons obligated by affinal ties-sons-in-law or brothers-in-law-who often reside together. Where branching kin ties are overridden by divergent affinal obligations, relatives may very likely be drawn into enemy camps.' [75]

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ absent ♥ Full-time specialists Blood-vengeance and warfare were organized by community members: 'The terrible custom demands ever new, ever more victims, all security must disappear, every individual constantly lives in danger of being ambushed; there is a general and permanent state of war. Hence the arrangement of the houses, one door of which can be used for flight, while the battle rages at the other; hence the customs mentioned at the beginning in connection with approaching a dwelling, for the protection of which, in addition, a pack of half-wild dogs are kept. A quarrel between two families must lead to battles between whole tribes; larger groups of tribes become hostile to one another; war and battle become customary, a man's lifework. A longer period of quiet, of peace, must be unbearable for such a nation of warriors. Ambitious, bold leaders will easily find companions for joint war expeditions; the neighboring nations are attacked and plundered. Thus, these Indians are carrying on among themselves a war of annihilation which must gradually bring about their own downfall. Severe depopulation is already noticeable in the region of the Jívaros, and it is being accelerated by epidemics, of the diseases introduced by the Europeans, which appear with great violence at times.' [76] 'The primary motivation for warfare is to secure as many human heads as possible from an alien tribe, and secondarily to capture women. The acquisition of territory had never been a motive for engaging in warfare. The war party, consisting of approximately thirty or forty men, is recruited from the community itself or from friendly neighborhoods nearby, and is usually led by the or as war leader or chief. Actual warfare consists of preliminary ceremonies involving ritualized chanting, surprise attacks against one or two enemy houses, the killing and decapitation of the inhabitants or the occasional capture of a girl or woman as an extra wife, and the preparation of the on the return to the home village. Unlike many of the warlike Amazon tribes captives are not tortured or sacrificed, nor is cannibalism practiced.' [77] 'It therefore behooves any Achuarä contemplating revenge upon someone to discuss his plans with potential allies, aligning them in his camp in advance of his action. The recruitment of military support among the Achuarä and other Jivaroans (cf. Harner 1972:98) is a rather insecure business. This derives, in part, from the fact that social relations are organized within a framework of cognatic, bilateral kinship, in which the only people sharing the same personal kindreds, and the rights and obligations associated with them, are siblings. Furthermore, the only military support of which one truly can be assured, once a contemplated or actual homicide develops, comes from persons obligated by affinal ties-sons-in-law or brothers-in-law-who often reside together. Where branching kin ties are overridden by divergent affinal obligations, relatives may very likely be drawn into enemy camps.' [78]

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ absent ♥ Full-time specialists Shamans were local practicioners: 'There are no gods who play ethical or moral roles in the Jivaro pantheon, nor are there any priests or other religious specialist except the shaman (UWISIN ) whose primary role in the society is magical curing, although he also has the power to send illness into an individual as a form of sorcery (Service, 1958: 196). Lacking true political organization, the shaman may be the most influential individual in the community frequently acting the role of KAKARAM as well as shaman.' [79] 'The Jivaro lack any formal political organization, although an informal form of leadership is found in the role of individuals referred to as UNYÄ ("big" or "old" men) or KAKARAM ("powerful" or "powerful ones") who are renown as killers in feuds or war, or exercise important shamanistic powers in the community. These individuals acquire their reputation in the community by being old enough to have grandchildren, and are friendly, honest, and generous in dealing with others in the society. Because of these characteristics the UNYÄ or KAKARAM are believed to possess great ARUTAM soul power and the ability to curse to death anyone who incurs their anger. Generally most neighborhoods have at least one or two UNYÄ as well as a few superior shamans who provide protection for their relatives or other individuals with whom they are on friendly terms.' [80] Many rituals could be performed by non-specialists: '“Under this general heading it seems to me convenient to treat of certain customs of the Indians which are clearly of a religious or magical nature and are regularly practised when the Indians have to enter into relations with the spiritual world. Everybody is not prepared to take part in religious ceremonies; children for example are excluded until they have passed through the initiations. Fullgrown women, on the other hand, as we have seen, take part in many of them, and there are even religious rites which can only be peformed by the women, because only they possess the ‘inner’ qualifications necessary for success. But when ordinary conjurations of evil spirits are in question, the men, and particularly old men, are both physically and mentally far in advance of the women.”' [81] Shamans were capable of sorcery and healing: 'In the Aguaruna tribe only men can act as sorcerers. Their magic is monistic. The sorcerer is called ananténtšo or tuntsi. They do not believe in a separation of a being from its body. They have only one kind of sorcerer: the sorcerer who kills has at the same time healing faculties.' [82] Shamans trained novices themselves: 'According to Karsten (The Religion, pp. 319 ff.), in the Chiwaro-Makas tribe an old sorcerer supervises the novice, putting in his mouth the spines of the Guilelma palm mixed with some saliva. It seems, however, that the novice receives the actual magic substance from the demon. This demon, in the shape of a giant snake or in the shape of some other serpentiform monster, appears before the entranced novice. The sorcerer must eat certain animals; others he must avoid-all this on account of certain analogous properties. The demon is said to hand the magic spines to the newly initiated. The derivation of the magic properties of a sorcerer is not quite clear to me. The leading sorcerer is remunerated for his services.' [83] Shamans were frequently the target of accusations of sorcery: '“Since supposed sorcery is nearly always the nearest cause of murders within the tribe, it is clear that the professional sorcerers or medi-[270] cine men are those members of Jibaro society which are most frequently exposed to the revengeful attacks of their enemies. As a matter of fact, in large Indian societies sorcerers are very often assassinated, or at least threatened with death, by their enemies. When a medicine-man has undertaken to cure a sick person and the latter dies in spite of the treatment, the ‘doctor’ is also generally made responsible for the death, the relatives of the dead reasoning that the medicine-man, instead of curing the patient, on the contrary used his art to kill him. The unsuccessful curer is therefore murdered unless he escapes by flight. Since the Jibaros, on the whole, do not recognize what we call a natural death but always attribute a death to supernatural causes, any death among them tends to give rise to a murder, the relatives of the deceased considering it as their duty to take revenge upon the supposed author of the accident.”' [84] Shamans were usually not full-time specialists. Here also, some fluidity may be involved in the distribution of roles. [Shamans do not often act as war leaders (except in the invisible realm) ; the more usual pattern is a sort of dyarchy between a war leader and a shaman (brother in law or son in law). However, men can slide in and out of ‘shamanship’ so it is not unheard of for a shaman to become a war leader and vice versa.]

Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ absent ♥ Full-time specialists. Shuar political authority was informal and decentralized: 'Each community is politically independent with its own headman. Each is also located four or more kilometers from their nearest neighboring community. The community is made up of patrilineally and affinally related individuals, traditionally consisting of from 80 to 300 people (30 to 40 people in the twentieth century), living in one house called a JIVARIA. For defensive purposes, this house is built on a steep hill usually at the upper end of a stream. The house itself is approximately 13 meters by 26 meters in size, elliptical in shape, and has a thatched roof. In times of war, two or more communities united to fight a common enemy, as was the case when the Spanish attempted to conquer them.' [85] '“From the statements I have previously made as to the distribution of the Jibaro tribes it appears that their social organization is loose. In fact, the whole people is split up into a great number of tribes which in their turn are sub-divided into smaller clans or septs comprising a few families closely related to one another by blood. These sub-tribes do not form village communities; each family inhabits its own big communal house (héa), but these are not situated close to one another, they lie scattered here and there in the virgin forest. Generally one has to march for one or several hours to arrive at the next house. Each Jibaro house forms in fact a separate and independent social, political, and economic unit with its own household, its own plantations in the vicinity of the house, and its own ruler or chief, the oldest family father who, at any rate in time of peace, is not controlled by anybody. It is much the same feature that we meet in other parts of tropical South America, where the impenetrable virgin forests necessarily lead to social disintegration, which is further increased by the general anti-social tendencies of the Indians. The state of things found among the Jibaros, however, is in many respects unique.' [86] Some more prominent leaders emerged as well: 'Four or five years ago there was a strong chief on the Upano River named Tuki, known to the Ecuadoreans as José Grande. In the manner previously described, all of the curakas from Macas on the Upano River to Mendez on the Paute River became subchiefs under him until he was generally recognized as the strongest of all of the Jivaro curakas. However, he was beginning to grow old by this time and some of his subcurakas were strong men in their own right. About 2 years ago, Ambusha, who had been gradually gaining in power and becoming famous for his head-hunting activities, split off with his own group, taking several curakas and their men with him. A little later Utita did the same thing. At the time of the writer's visit (1931), although Tuki was recognized by the Government of Ecuador as being head chief of the Macas-Mendez region, actually he had lost all power excepting that over his own family group and was in reality no more than a capito. These divisions of the organization, if it may be termed such, took place apparently without any ill-feeling or formal announcements.' [87] The Shuar bartered with whites and other Amerindians: 'The commercial activities of the Jivaro are very restricted. In the early days of European contact hogs and chickens were raised for sale to those of European background. Salt, a rare commodity in the region, was gathered in clay pots from a few brackish springs in the area, allowed to evaporate, and the resulting hardened ball of salt used in exchange transactions with neighboring tribal groups. The Jivaro were famous for the shrinking of the human heads () of their enemies (actually only the skin). Passing out of Jivaro country through a series of exchanges, these heads eventually found their way into the hands of traders who brought them down the Amazon to Para where they were sold. Soon the traders had a burgeoning trade in these items, and the Jivaro were hard-put to keep up with the demand. The Indians were by no means particular as to whose head was used, and advance orders were taken and filled. Eventually this native "industry" was brought to a halt by the Ecuadorian and Peruvian governments although by the late twentieth century life-like replicas of the heads made from animal skins are still being sold commercially.' [88] There was no bureaucratic penetration of Shuar territory at the time: '“Rising in the western foothills of the Cordillera Oriental the Rio Zamora flows through Loja, where it is joined by the Rio Malacatos. ( ) Ten miles farther north, in confluence with the Rio de las Juntas, it breaks through the Andes and enters the province of Oriente, the Amazon region of Ecuador, comprising a northwestern part of the basin of the great river. Vast in extent and largely unknown, unexplored and unmapped, this territory has always been a bone of contention among the republics of Ecuador, Colombia, and Peru. But although the particular portion of it which I visited, on a reconnaissance of the Rio Zamora, was supposedly under the sovereignty of Ecuador, no evidence of administrative authority was to be found there, nor did the savages of the Jíbaro tribe who live there acknowledge allegiance to the government at Quito.”' [89] The same seems to be true for missionary attempts: 'Since all attempts to win back the lost territories by force of arms were unsuccessful, there was recourse to the cross in order to bend the Indians again under the yoke of slavery by this apparently gentle means. The missionaries were successful among some tribes, but the Jívaros turned away all intruders and have maintained their freedom up to our time. Only the small mission of Mácas, inhabited by the Quichua Indians, is located in their territory, and neither the secular clergy nor the Jesuit fathers, who have alternately tried their luck there, have been successful in making converts.' [90]

♠ Examination system ♣ absent ♥

♠ Merit promotion ♣ absent ♥

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ absent ♥

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ absent ♥ The Shuar did not use a formal legal code, but had established means of responding to offenses. The murder of a kinsman had to be avenged: '“When a murder committed by tribesman is to be avenged, the social morality of the Jibaros requires that the punishment shall be meted out with justice, in so far that for one life which has been taken only one life should be taken in retaliation. Thereupon the blood-guilt is atoned for (tumáshi akérkama) and the offended family is satisfied. Consequently, if a Jibaro Indian wishes to avenge the murder of his brother, it may well happen that he, if the slayer himself cannot be caught and punished, will assassinate his brother or father instead of him, but he does not take the life of more than one member of the family, even if he has an opportunity of killing more. If he, for instance, killed not only the murderer himself but also one of his brothers, this would awaken indignation in the whole tribe, and it would be considered just that the family thus offended in its turn should take revenge. The blood guilt in such a case has passed to the original avenger. This principle, which requires that there shall be justice in the retaliation so that life is weighed against life, in itself of course has a tendency to limit blood-revenge. It happens, however, in many cases, and especially when supposed witchery is in question, that the person accused of the crime does not admit the guilt, but asserts that he and his family are innocently persecuted by the relatives of the dead. If then he or a member of his family is murdered, his relatives try, in their turn, to take revenge, and so on, in which case the blood feud tends to become prolonged indefinitely.”' [91] 'It seemed that this uncle had beaten one of his wives to death because she was unfaithful to him, and the woman's family, considering the treatment unnecessarily harsh, had murdered the husband in retaliation. Custom said that Kuashu's family must also take a life in order to satisfy the Jivaro sense of justice. With this end in view, the spirit of revenge was being kept alive, and almost every day the young men of the household were reminded of the duty which they inherited, and how they would eventually have to kill some member of the family who were responsible for their uncle's murder. The boys listened to the tale, which had already been told them hundreds of times, with as much interest as if they had never heard it before, and I wondered how long it would be ere their hands were stained with blood. They saw nothing wrong in this lust for vengeance, for their creed taught them that the spirit [158] of their uncle could not rest till justice had been meted out. Furthermore, if they failed to take reprisals they and their families would be the ones to suffer.” ' [92] The obligation to avenge could be avoided through gift-giving: 'It seems that among the Aguaruna Indians there is a sort of murderous revenge, though there is a way of redeeming it with gifts. I heard of one case where the gift of a blowgun eliminated the necessity for bloody revenge.' [93] Deaths by sorcery had to be avenged as well: 'Fear of sorcery and incurring the wrath of the act as restraining elements of social control in the Jivaro community. In this society the code of lex talionis holds true so that anti-social acts directed against members of the community will result in assured retaliation by the victim's family. Thus, the fear of reprisal also acts as a means of aggression control in the society.' [94] '“Their unbounded sense of liberty and their desire to be independent, not only of the whites but also of each other, is one of the reasons why they do not live in villages but each family separately, for in this way conflicts are more easily avoided. It may for instance, happen that the swine, the most important domestic animals, who during the day are allowed to roam about freely in the forest, penetrate into the plantations of a neighbouring family and devastate the crops. The owner gets angry and claims compensation for the damage done. In this way quarrels easily arise which may develop into bloody fights; at any rate there arises general discord and distrust between the two families. Some time later it may happen that one or more members of either family fall ill with some of the diseases which the Jibaros ascribe to witchcraft. When trying to find out the author of the evil the head of that family is most likely to attribute it to the malicious art of a neighbour with whom he has had such a quarrel. If the patient dies he has recourse to divination by means of the narcotic natéma, which generally leads to his suspicions of the neighbour being confirmed. The family's sense of justice as well as the duty to the deceased now require that revenge shall be taken, and the supposed wizard is assassinated. This murder naturally awakens the desire for blood-revenge on the part of the family thus outraged, and so a blood-feud is begun, which, as is easily understood, has a tendency to make itself permanent.”' [95] Blood vengeance was less common within families, conflicts being solved informally: '“Though, as we have seen, among the Jibaros blood-revenge takes place with regard to members of the same sub-tribe, this is not so when a crime is committed within the family. Among these Indians it sometimes occurs that a man kills his brother, if the latter, for instance, has seduced his wife or bewitched one of his children. But in this case blood-revenge is not generally taken, inasmuch as the natural avengers-that is, the father and the remaining brothers-abstain from carrying it out. ‘It is enough that one member of our family has died,’ they say, ‘why should we deprive ourselves of one more?’ The slayer is consequently pardoned. The absence of blood-revenge in a case like this is due to the natural sympathy which the avengers feel for the slayer, as well as to the consideration that by killing him they would only harm themselves, by weakening the power and influence of the family.”' [96] Stirling describes recognized extenuating circumstances: 'In the same way the Jivaros are apt to recognize extenuating circumstances in other cases where the crime has not been caused willfully, as for example, when someone in a state of intoxication or under the influence of a narcotic drink has been the cause of another person's death. However, in any of these instances, if the [117] evildoer refuses to pay to compensation asked, he becomes liable to blood revenge.”' [97]

♠ Judges ♣ absent ♥ Kinsmen of the dead, not judges, decided on the course of action taken: 'Feuding or warfare is endemic among the Jivaro. Because of the retaliatory nature of legal sanctions in the society, the application of avenging action frequently initiates long and drawn out hostilities between two groups of kinsmen. This pattern of repeated application of sanctions by two families against one another is a dominant preoccupation especially among the interior Jivaro. These feuds may be formally ended by payment to the deceased's relatives, or when one of the eldest men on one side is killed, or when each group of kinsmen has lost a man.' [98] 'After this idea took hold, they travelled upriver to the settlement of Bupátä's brother Ungúmï, a húndach, or old one (although he is only about 45 years old), to seek his counsel. Then, Santü journeyed further north into Ecuador to converse with Mukwíngü, the mother's brother of Bupátä and Ungúmï. Such counsel, as I have indicated, forms an important part of the protocol that characterizes the pattern of Achuarä hostilities. Not every death attributed to sorcery is avenged, especially in the case of young children. But, once a homicide is committed in retaliation for perceived sorcery-related deaths, it inevitably calls forth a revenge raid sometime in the future on the part of close relatives-brothers-in-law or sons-in-law, usually-of the victims. Should their retaliation prove successful, close relatives of the person whose death initiated the feud also become obligated to avenge the more recent killing. Each successive death draws greater numbers of relatives into the feud on each side, and more and more lives are placed in jeopardy.' [99]

♠ Courts ♣ absent ♥ Kinsmen of the dead, not courts, decided on the course of action taken: 'Feuding or warfare is endemic among the Jivaro. Because of the retaliatory nature of legal sanctions in the society, the application of avenging action frequently initiates long and drawn out hostilities between two groups of kinsmen. This pattern of repeated application of sanctions by two families against one another is a dominant preoccupation especially among the interior Jivaro. These feuds may be formally ended by payment to the deceased's relatives, or when one of the eldest men on one side is killed, or when each group of kinsmen has lost a man.' [100] 'After this idea took hold, they travelled upriver to the settlement of Bupátä's brother Ungúmï, a húndach, or old one (although he is only about 45 years old), to seek his counsel. Then, Santü journeyed further north into Ecuador to converse with Mukwíngü, the mother's brother of Bupátä and Ungúmï. Such counsel, as I have indicated, forms an important part of the protocol that characterizes the pattern of Achuarä hostilities. Not every death attributed to sorcery is avenged, especially in the case of young children. But, once a homicide is committed in retaliation for perceived sorcery-related deaths, it inevitably calls forth a revenge raid sometime in the future on the part of close relatives-brothers-in-law or sons-in-law, usually-of the victims. Should their retaliation prove successful, close relatives of the person whose death initiated the feud also become obligated to avenge the more recent killing. Each successive death draws greater numbers of relatives into the feud on each side, and more and more lives are placed in jeopardy.' [101] The material suggests that the Shuar population was not pulled into the settler court system during the Spanish colonial period: 'In retaliation against the ravages of whites and such client Amerindians, some groups responded with force to outside efforts at settlement and exploitation. It is within this general context that our knowledge of Jivaroan warfare and feuding exists; and while the causes of Jívaro conflict lie in good part in environmental factors, this wider dimension cannot be ignored. As early as 1599, the Jivaroan peoples razed the Spanish gold-mining towns of eastern Ecuador and northern Peru, where Indian labor was being exploited to fill the coffers of the Spanish crown (Harner 1972:18-26; Izaguirre 1929/XI:11-19). Subsequent efforts to reestablish mines in the same region of the upper Santiago River have been persistently resisted as have other forms of occupation that have been attempted in or around the Jivaroan area.' [102]

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ absent ♥ Kinsmen of the dead, not courts, decided on the course of action taken: 'Feuding or warfare is endemic among the Jivaro. Because of the retaliatory nature of legal sanctions in the society, the application of avenging action frequently initiates long and drawn out hostilities between two groups of kinsmen. This pattern of repeated application of sanctions by two families against one another is a dominant preoccupation especially among the interior Jivaro. These feuds may be formally ended by payment to the deceased's relatives, or when one of the eldest men on one side is killed, or when each group of kinsmen has lost a man.' [103] 'After this idea took hold, they travelled upriver to the settlement of Bupátä's brother Ungúmï, a húndach, or old one (although he is only about 45 years old), to seek his counsel. Then, Santü journeyed further north into Ecuador to converse with Mukwíngü, the mother's brother of Bupátä and Ungúmï. Such counsel, as I have indicated, forms an important part of the protocol that characterizes the pattern of Achuarä hostilities. Not every death attributed to sorcery is avenged, especially in the case of young children. But, once a homicide is committed in retaliation for perceived sorcery-related deaths, it inevitably calls forth a revenge raid sometime in the future on the part of close relatives-brothers-in-law or sons-in-law, usually-of the victims. Should their retaliation prove successful, close relatives of the person whose death initiated the feud also become obligated to avenge the more recent killing. Each successive death draws greater numbers of relatives into the feud on each side, and more and more lives are placed in jeopardy.' [104] The material suggests that the Shuar population was not pulled into the settler court system during the Spanish colonial period: 'In retaliation against the ravages of whites and such client Amerindians, some groups responded with force to outside efforts at settlement and exploitation. It is within this general context that our knowledge of Jivaroan warfare and feuding exists; and while the causes of Jívaro conflict lie in good part in environmental factors, this wider dimension cannot be ignored. As early as 1599, the Jivaroan peoples razed the Spanish gold-mining towns of eastern Ecuador and northern Peru, where Indian labor was being exploited to fill the coffers of the Spanish crown (Harner 1972:18-26; Izaguirre 1929/XI:11-19). Subsequent efforts to reestablish mines in the same region of the upper Santiago River have been persistently resisted as have other forms of occupation that have been attempted in or around the Jivaroan area.' [105]

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ absent ♥ The Shuar did not practice irrigation, and instead relied on proximity to minor freshwater tributaries: 'The Indians like to dwell in the vicinity of rivers. Once they have found a suitable spot, they start by clearing out a lot. [51] Such clearing is necessary everywhere, for there is no territory without forest. On the clearing a temporary hut is built out of the timber which the clearing process had yielded. More trees are then cut down to obtain a larger area for the fields where they plant Yucca, corn, cotton, bananas, and maní. This field is as a rule somewhat removed from the house and in the middle of the forest. I have not been able to find out the reason for this. They do it perhaps because there is no suitable land close to the river, where the huts are set up, or for some other reason. As they go along, they collect the material for their permanent home. The erection of the permanent dwelling is a slow process, and occasionally it may take several years before it is ready since they work on it only seldom and with long interruptions.' [106] '“In describing my journeys among the Jibaro Indians I had occasion to mention repeatedly that the savage Jibaros never settle on the banks of the main rivers, but prefer to make their houses beside small affluents in the interior of the country. The reason for this is obvious: it is due to their constant fear of hostile attacks. By hiding themselves in the forests in the way they do, they not only avoid the whites, who now and then travel along the main rivers, but they are also better protected against hostile Indian tribes. The Jibaro houses are also largely constructed with a view to keeping off uninvited guests; in fact, nearly every house is a sort of fortress, as will be shown in greater detail in the part dealing with the warfare of the Indians.”' [107]
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ absent ♥ The Shuar did not construct drinking water supply systems, and instead relied on proximity to minor freshwater tributaries: 'The Indians like to dwell in the vicinity of rivers. Once they have found a suitable spot, they start by clearing out a lot. [51] Such clearing is necessary everywhere, for there is no territory without forest. On the clearing a temporary hut is built out of the timber which the clearing process had yielded. More trees are then cut down to obtain a larger area for the fields where they plant Yucca, corn, cotton, bananas, and maní. This field is as a rule somewhat removed from the house and in the middle of the forest. I have not been able to find out the reason for this. They do it perhaps because there is no suitable land close to the river, where the huts are set up, or for some other reason. As they go along, they collect the material for their permanent home. The erection of the permanent dwelling is a slow process, and occasionally it may take several years before it is ready since they work on it only seldom and with long interruptions.' [108] '“In describing my journeys among the Jibaro Indians I had occasion to mention repeatedly that the savage Jibaros never settle on the banks of the main rivers, but prefer to make their houses beside small affluents in the interior of the country. The reason for this is obvious: it is due to their constant fear of hostile attacks. By hiding themselves in the forests in the way they do, they not only avoid the whites, who now and then travel along the main rivers, but they are also better protected against hostile Indian tribes. The Jibaro houses are also largely constructed with a view to keeping off uninvited guests; in fact, nearly every house is a sort of fortress, as will be shown in greater detail in the part dealing with the warfare of the Indians.”' [109]
♠ markets ♣ absent ♥ The Shuar engaged in barter trade with other Amerindian societies and whites, in order to obtain goods such as weapons or cloth: 'The material used for clothing is nowadays in many instances of European make, at least in the case of women's dresses. They obtain this material, which is nothing but ordinary unbleached muslin. (tocuyo), through barter. They themselves dye it brown. I noticed that the itipe of the men was in all instances home made material. The reason for this may lie in the fact that the men do the spinning and weaving.' [110] 'In all the tambos I found Winchester rifles which they had obtained from the rubber collectors by barter for rubber. But since the Indians most of the time do not have any [72] shot to go with it, these rifles are for the most part ornamental pieces. As a matter of fact, the Indians are not too fond of rifles since, they maintain, their report chases the game off.' [111] 'Spears with iron points were generally in use when I visited the Indians. The point (see Figure 7) has a socket at the bottom. The shaft is fastened into the socket with the help of resin. The spear or lance has a length of 2 1/2 - 3 1/2 meters. They are said to obtain the iron points by way of barter from the Indians along the upper Senepa. The points are said to come from Ecuador. The spear with the iron point is called nánki by the Indians. Formerly spears were used shaped out of the wood of the chonta palm, and they still occur in isolated instances. The shape of their point is the same as the iron one, but its cross-section shows a somewhat concave outline. Shaft and point are made out of one piece. These chonta lances are called angös.' [112] 'In former years the Indians came as far as Bella Vista and later even to Bagua Chica in order to exchange parrots and other animals for articles of everyday use. Raimondi tells us that in 1845 the Aguarunas destroyed at the same time the mestizo-settlements [47] Puyaya and Copallín, the one situated on the right bank of the Marañón River, somewhat below the Rentema, the other on the left bank.' [113] When dealing with white intermediaries or patrones, exchange rates between different types of goods were informal but somewhat regular: 'In order to get articles that were valuable to them the Indians started to collect the products of their forests. In exchange for rubber, various resins, canoes, Maní, yucca, bananas, tamed animals and parrots the Indians ask for Winchester repeating arms, rifles and the necessary ammunition, axes, knives, scissors, needles, fishhooks, mirrors, cotton wares, sewing thread, etc. At that time the rate of exchange was the following: For a small canoe for six people they would receive an ordinary single-barrelled rifle (European value perhaps 10 Marks). For a hen or a large bunch of bananas they would receive one vara (84 cm.) of Tocuyo (thin, unbleached cotton, muslin?). In exchange for a basket (15 liter) of ground-nuts (maní) they could barter 4 vara (336 cm.) of Tocuyo. I have witnessed it several times in Nazaret that the Indians were terribly cheated with regard to weight when they made their rubber deliveries to the white men, and I could see it from the expression on their faces that they were aware of the fraud.' [114] In most cases, barter trade operated through intermediaries or patrones rather than established markets in white settlements. [By and large this is true, but shuar parties would occasionally travel to colono settlements to trade , and even travel up to Andean cities to trade gold powder against metal tools. There are records of such incursions in last quarter of 18th century and again between 1850 and 1880.] 'The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.' [115] 'Frontier' communities would act as intermediaries between settlers and 'interior' groups: 'Much of the trade of the Jivaro is between the "interior", relatively isolated groups (particularly the Achuara) and those "frontier" groups living in close proximity to Ecuadorian settlements where they have easy access to Western industrialized products. Through a series of neighborhood-to-neighborhood relays by native trading partners (AMIGRI ) these products were passed from the frontier Jivaro into the most remote parts of the tribal territory. Thus the interior Jivaro were supplied with steel cutting tools, firearms and ammunition without having to come into contact with the population of European ancestry. In exchange the frontier Jivaro, whose supply of local game was nearly exhausted, obtained hides, feathers and bird skins (used for ornaments), which were not readily available in their own territory.' [116] Given the 'occasional' nature of incursion into market towns, we have provisionally coded the variable absent.
♠ food storage sites ♣ absent ♥ According to SCCS variable 20 'Food Storage', ‘None’ (coded as ‘1’) were present, not 'Individual households', 'Communal facilities', 'Political agent controlled repositories', or 'Economic agent controlled repositories'. The subsistence system allowed for continuous sowing and harvesting throughout the year: 'Living as they do well to the west of the area which is annually inundated, and consequently being free from dependance on the seasons, they can sow at any time of the year, with the certainty of reaping at the end of the unvarying number of months which are needed in order that the crop may ripen. Yuca, for instance, is ready in six months; Indian corn in three months; yams (a potato which grows three to four feet in length and fifty pounds in weight) in a year; sweet potatoes, peanuts, and tobacco are also cultivated in large quantities.”' [117] Karsten reports only household-level food storage. [There were no collective storage facilities. In fact the only crops stored in households were/are peanuts and maize. Since the Shuar only use sweet manioc, they do not manufacture manioc flour.] '“The truth is that the married Jibaro woman is not only completely independent within her own sphere of activity, but exercises a remarkable social influence and authority even in matters which mainly concern the husband. It is interesting to state in this respect that a family-father never sells fruit or other articles of food without the consent of his wife. There are, I think, few civilized societies where the man so unfailingly asks his wife's advice, even in unimportant matters, as among these savages. It occurred very frequently during my travels in the forest that I paid visits to the Jibaro houses to buy manioc or bananas, and received from the ‘autocrat’ of the house the answer: ‘I must first ask [254] my wife.’ Frequently the wife happened to be absent for the moment and then the answer was: ‘Wait a while until my wife arrives.’ I saw that there was a store of manioc and bananas in the house, and it would have been an easy thing for the man to give me immediately what I wanted to buy; yet he compelled me to wait for a long while, perhaps for hours, only to be able to ask his wife's permission to make the insignificant bargain. Still one can understand this consideration for the housewife when articles of food are in question. Since the wife is the keeper of the food and is responsible for the existence of a store sufficient for the needs of the family, it is natural that she should also be allowed to decide how much of it can be given to strangers.' [118]

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ absent ♥ According to SCCS variable 14 'Routes of Land Transport' only ‘1’ or 'unimproved trails' were used for land transport, not roads. The Shuar relied on concealed pathways: 'The Jíbaros never live united in villages. Their homes are found scattered in the middle of the forest. These settlements are never permanent; in fact, the savages change their residence frequently, every six years on the average( ). The dwelling is always located near a stream, in the middle of a little cultivated land; no defined road leads to it, and only the Indians are able to recognize the trace of a pathway invisible to strangers in the labryinth of trees and thick underbrush.' [119] 'As has already been mentioned, Mácas lies deep in the territory of the Jívaros. Everywhere in the forest, indeed hardly a quarter of an hour away from Mácas, lie their large tambos. Narrow paths lead through the dense forest, and, following them, one quite suddenly and without any previous signs of civilization comes upon the open plaza surrounding the house. Each house lies alone by itself, as though lost in the forest, and is usually inhabited by only one family, rarely by several. In approaching, certain precautionary measures must be observed to ensure a friendly reception. The visit is announced from a great distance by shouting, but in the immediate vicinity of the house one marches in absolute silence. This is done in order to demonstrate peaceful intent, since during an attack the Jívaro steals quietly through the forest, but then rushes with a loud war whoop across the open plaza to the house.' [120]
♠ Bridges ♣ present ♥ According to SCCS variable 14 'Routes of Land Transport' only ‘1’ or 'unimproved trails' were used for land transport, not roads. Rivers were negotiated by canoe or raft: 'The most important means of transportation along the upper Marañón and its tributaries is the canoe (Fig. 8). One could even say that this dug-out is the only means of transportation since there are only a few isolated overland paths.' [121] 'The canoe appears in several sizes. Some accomodate only one to two people, others up to twenty men. All of them are made of cedar wood. Whether small or large, they all have the same shape. The part that touches the water is round in cross-section just as the original tree. At both ends flat seats for the oarsman were provided when the canoe was dug out. The canoe is directed by means of paddles, but on upstream voyages long bamboo poles (tanganas) are required, and with their help the boat is pushed forward. Should the river bank be flat, some Indians may jump into the water to pull the canoe with the help of lianas.' [122] 'Another means of transportation in the river area is the raft (balsa). It can be used for downstream voyages only and is therefore not so frequent. It is made by uniting several balsa trunks. The rafts are kept within the current by means of paddles.' [123] The Shuar crossed even broad rivers swimming: '“The Jibaros, when they are about to cross a broad river swimming, are in the habit of swallowing a fish-sound before they enter the water. In this way, they believe, they will be able to float on the water and swim as easily as a fish.' [124] Reiss also reports liana bridges: 'The six or seven houses which make up the village of Paira (1,617 meters) lie two short days of travel farther down in the valley. The foot of the steep mountains has been reached here; only elongated hills continue to the east. The rivers, still rapid, to be sure, become broad and even navigable for short stretches; an immense forest area stretches out before one's eyes. Up to here we found the brooks, which were difficult to cross, bridged over, although the liana bridges, serving as a model for our suspension bridges, sometimes offered crossings which appeared dangerous. Farther down, however, the rivers had to be waded, for the Jesuits, in order to make access to their mission more difficult, had pulled down the bridges formerly present and had taken the canoes used for ferrying into Mácas into their own custody.' [125]
♠ Canals ♣ absent ♥
♠ Ports ♣ absent ♥ According to SCCS variable 14 'Routes of Land Transport' only ‘1’ or 'unimproved trails' were used for land transport, not roads. Ecuadorian settlers established ports and colonial towns, some of which were destroyed by Shuar warriors: 'The spread of commercial interests in this area did not, however, proceed unchallenged. A port at the mouth of the Morona River and colony of 80 persons to its north, founded by a Peruvian comerciante in 1904, had vanished by 1905-destroyed by Jívaro (probably Huambisa) reportedly in retaliation for the victimization of one of their women (Vacas Galindo 1905:396). Military garrisons established by Peru and Ecuador in this zone of contention between the two countries had also, from time to time, skirmished with the local Indians, and, in 1915, some Jívaro (again probably Huambisa) destroyed the Peruvian army base on the upper Morona River (Karsten 1935:14; Stirling 1938:28).' [126] 'The spread of commercial interests in this area did not, however, proceed unchallenged. A port at the mouth of the Morona River and colony of 80 persons to its north, founded by a Peruvian comerciante in 1904, had vanished by 1905-destroyed by Jívaro (probably Huambisa) reportedly in retaliation for the victimization of one of their women (Vacas Galindo 1905:396). Military garrisons established by Peru and Ecuador in this zone of contention between the two countries had also, from time to time, skirmished with the local Indians, and, in 1915, some Jívaro (again probably Huambisa) destroyed the Peruvian army base on the upper Morona River (Karsten 1935:14; Stirling 1938:28).' [127] It is assumed here that river ports were constructed during the Ecuadorian rather than the Spanish colonial period, but this remains in need of further confirmation. We have also assumed that Shuar communities had little to no access to these ports either way. The variable was provisionally coded absent.

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ present: 1534-1599 CE; absent: 1600-1830 CE ♥ Spanish invaders exploited the gold mines in the region, employing some Shuar before the uprisings of 1599: 'The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.' [128] Mining continued in the Ecuadorian period as well, but it appears that miners were recruited from settlers rather than Indians: 'In 1901, the Huambisas were still the scourge of the Santiago Basin, forcing the precipitous retreat of some American miners who had ascended the river in hopes of locating the famed placer gold deposits. In contrast, Aguarunas and Antipas, whom the miners encountered on the Alto Marañón, were found to be inordinately hospitable, especially “fond of European trade goods” and eager to exchange garden produce, salt, and even gold for them in some instances (Von Hassel 1902/II:68, 70-71).' [129]

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ absent ♥ This variable is in need of further elaboration. The eHRAF materials are not coded for any mnemonic devices.
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ absent ♥ This variable is in need of further elaboration. Rivet describes Shuar songs, but insinuates that their content is fluid and may not be transmitted as is: 'Dancing, music and singing are high in honor. I have already said that the Jíbaros lack grace. According to the missionaries, their music and their singing would be unbearable to the ear of a White, but it is necessary to take into account the performers' drunkenness during the course of the feasts. The proof of that is that one of my friends who lived in Gualaquiza for a long time, where he was known and loved by the savages, and who had occasion to pass an evening with one of them without drinking, gave an entirely different opinion: “In the middle of the entertainment”, he wrote me, “I asked that the two wives of Santiago (so the Indian was called) let us hear some songs. Santiago agreed and even joined his voice with theirs. I hear even now the harmony of this song; it was so gentle and so melodious that I had them repeat it two or three times. I profited by this in order to put the words in my notebook; finally, I asked the Jíbaro the meaning of what I had written, and I acquired the conviction that they sang whatever came to their minds, without any order, in other words, that they improvised words to a familiar air.”' [130]
♠ Written records ♣ absent ♥ SCCS variable 149 'Writing and Records' is coded as ‘1’ or ‘None’, not ‘Mnemonic devices’, or ‘Nonwritten records’, or 'True writing, no records', or ‘True writing; records’ According to Salazar's information, written records and literacy became more widespread only in the second half of the 20th century: 'The official publication of the federation is a bilingual Shuar-Spanish newspaper called Chicham, “Message,” which appears irregularly. Chicham is devoted to accounts of the activities of the federation, as well as general information on such varied subjects as acculturation, government policies, and the situation of Indian groups in Ecuador and South America as a whole. The Shuar have already established contact with native American movements throughout the American continent. Furthermore, the federation has sponsored about 30 publications of different kinds, including scientific subjects (technology, social structure, and mythology of the Shuar), school books (literacy booklets and school texts), and religious works (prayer books, gospel translations). Particular attention must be drawn to the publication of the Mundo Shuar booklets, which represents the greatest effort so far to diffuse Shuar culture in printed form. The collection includes seven series of publications, each series covering a broad aspect of Shuar culture (e.g. ethnohistory, technology, linguistics). Authors include missionaries, white teachers, and Shuar intellectuals who contribute to the recently established Center for Documentation and Research on Shuar Culture. The collection as a whole is printed at the Salesian Publishing House in Quito, and is also directed by a Salesian priest, Father Juan Botasso. Mundo Shuar thus appears as a Salesian effort to rescue what is left of a rich culture that almost disintegrated as a result of more than half a century of Salesian administration of the Shuar people. The works so far published show, as could be expected, a varying degree of scholarship, but on the whole Mundo Shuar has been well accepted in the country, and promises to be an indispensable research tool for anthropologists interested in Shuar culture.' [131]
♠ Script ♣ absent ♥ SCCS variable 149 'Writing and Records' is coded as ‘1’ or ‘None’, not ‘Mnemonic devices’, or ‘Nonwritten records’, or 'True writing, no records', or ‘True writing; records’ According to Salazar's information, written records and literacy became more widespread only in the second half of the 20th century: 'The official publication of the federation is a bilingual Shuar-Spanish newspaper called Chicham, “Message,” which appears irregularly. Chicham is devoted to accounts of the activities of the federation, as well as general information on such varied subjects as acculturation, government policies, and the situation of Indian groups in Ecuador and South America as a whole. The Shuar have already established contact with native American movements throughout the American continent. Furthermore, the federation has sponsored about 30 publications of different kinds, including scientific subjects (technology, social structure, and mythology of the Shuar), school books (literacy booklets and school texts), and religious works (prayer books, gospel translations). Particular attention must be drawn to the publication of the Mundo Shuar booklets, which represents the greatest effort so far to diffuse Shuar culture in printed form. The collection includes seven series of publications, each series covering a broad aspect of Shuar culture (e.g. ethnohistory, technology, linguistics). Authors include missionaries, white teachers, and Shuar intellectuals who contribute to the recently established Center for Documentation and Research on Shuar Culture. The collection as a whole is printed at the Salesian Publishing House in Quito, and is also directed by a Salesian priest, Father Juan Botasso. Mundo Shuar thus appears as a Salesian effort to rescue what is left of a rich culture that almost disintegrated as a result of more than half a century of Salesian administration of the Shuar people. The works so far published show, as could be expected, a varying degree of scholarship, but on the whole Mundo Shuar has been well accepted in the country, and promises to be an indispensable research tool for anthropologists interested in Shuar culture.' [132]
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ absent ♥

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ absent ♥
♠ Calendar ♣ absent ♥
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ absent ♥
♠ Religious literature ♣ absent ♥
♠ Practical literature ♣ absent ♥
♠ History ♣ absent ♥
♠ Philosophy ♣ absent ♥
♠ Scientific literature ♣ absent ♥
♠ Fiction ♣ absent ♥


Money

♠ Articles ♣ present ♥ According to SCCS variable 17 'Money (Media of Exchange) and Credit', ‘1’ or 'No media of exchange or money' was present, not 'Domestically used articles as media of exchange' or 'Tokens of conventional value as media of exchange' or 'Foreign coinage or paper coinage', or 'Indigenous coinage or paper currency'. The shuar engaged in barter trade with other Amerindian and settler populations: 'In all the tambos I found Winchester rifles which they had obtained from the rubber collectors by barter for rubber. But since the Indians most of the time do not have any [72] shot to go with it, these rifles are for the most part ornamental pieces. As a matter of fact, the Indians are not too fond of rifles since, they maintain, their report chases the game off.' [133] 'Spears with iron points were generally in use when I visited the Indians. The point (see Figure 7) has a socket at the bottom. The shaft is fastened into the socket with the help of resin. The spear or lance has a length of 2 1/2 - 3 1/2 meters. They are said to obtain the iron points by way of barter from the Indians along the upper Senepa. The points are said to come from Ecuador. The spear with the iron point is called nánki by the Indians. Formerly spears were used shaped out of the wood of the chonta palm, and they still occur in isolated instances. The shape of their point is the same as the iron one, but its cross-section shows a somewhat concave outline. Shaft and point are made out of one piece. These chonta lances are called angös.' [134] 'In former years the Indians came as far as Bella Vista and later even to Bagua Chica in order to exchange parrots and other animals for articles of everyday use. Raimondi tells us that in 1845 the Aguarunas destroyed at the same time the mestizo-settlements [47] Puyaya and Copallín, the one situated on the right bank of the Marañón River, somewhat below the Rentema, the other on the left bank.' [135] When dealing with white intermediaries or patrones, exchange rates between different types of goods were informal but somewhat regular. [Shuar parties would occasionally travel to colono settlements to trade , and even travel up to Andean cities to trade gold powder against metal tools. There are records of such incursions in last quarter of 18th century and again between 1850 and 1880.] 'In order to get articles that were valuable to them the Indians started to collect the products of their forests. In exchange for rubber, various resins, canoes, Maní, yucca, bananas, tamed animals and parrots the Indians ask for Winchester repeating arms, rifles and the necessary ammunition, axes, knives, scissors, needles, fishhooks, mirrors, cotton wares, sewing thread, etc. At that time the rate of exchange was the following: For a small canoe for six people they would receive an ordinary single-barrelled rifle (European value perhaps 10 Marks). For a hen or a large bunch of bananas they would receive one vara (84 cm.) of Tocuyo (thin, unbleached cotton, muslin?). In exchange for a basket (15 liter) of ground-nuts (maní) they could barter 4 vara (336 cm.) of Tocuyo. I have witnessed it several times in Nazaret that the Indians were terribly cheated with regard to weight when they made their rubber deliveries to the white men, and I could see it from the expression on their faces that they were aware of the fraud.' [136]
♠ Tokens ♣ absent ♥
♠ Precious metals ♣ present ♥ Gold dust was used in trade and (short-lived) tribute relations with Spanish intruders: 'The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.' [137] [Shuar parties would occasionally travel to colono settlements to trade , and even travel up to Andean cities to trade gold powder against metal tools. There are records of such incursions in last quarter of 18th century and again between 1850 and 1880.] As records of excursions seem to exceed the 1549-1599 period, the variable was coded present on the general level.
♠ Foreign coins ♣ absent ♥ According to SCCS variable 17 'Money (Media of Exchange) and Credit', ‘1’ or 'No media of exchange or money' was present, not 'Domestically used articles as media of exchange' or 'Tokens of conventional value as media of exchange' or 'Foreign coinage or paper coinage', or 'Indigenous coinage or paper currency'. Rivet reports some monetization of the tsantsa trade for the 19th and 20th centuries: 'The first tsantsas coming to Europe had their hour [72] of renown and attained extraordinary prices. In 1865, one of them was sold for 1500 francs ( ). Ten years ago another was sold at auction for 500 francs at the Hotél Drouot ( ). Actually, these objects are much less rare and have lost a part of their commercial value. At Macas, at Gualaquiza and at Zamora, the whites buy them directly from the Indians for ten sucres, that is 25 francs, and take them to Cuenca, Riobamba and Loja, where they resell them for 30 to 50 sucres, that is 75 to 125 francs. In Europe, the best examples are worth 200 and 300 francs and there is not an important museum that does not possess at least one. In Paris, the Museum of Natural History has five of them, the Anthropological Society one, the Ethnographic Museum of the Trocadero three, the Army Museum one, and also there are a good number in private collections.' [138] This seems to suggest little monetization in the colonial period, given the prevalence of gold dust (see above). Moneylenders would “loan coin” [139] The district of Quito reached its highest level of economic prosperity in the seventeenth century, but actual coinage was rare. This currency shortage was generalized throughout Spanish America. [140]
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ absent ♥ Moneylenders would “loan coin” [141] The district of Quito reached its highest level of economic prosperity in the seventeenth century, but actual coinage was rare. This currency shortage was generalized throughout Spanish America. [142]
♠ Paper currency ♣ absent ♥

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ absent ♥ Shuar communities transmitted messages through ceremonial and war drums: 'A few words must be said about the túndui, the wireless telephone of the Aguarunas. It consists of a hollowed-out tree trunk, about 100-120 cm. long and of a thickness of 30-35 cm. At each end there is a handle, one of which is used to grab it, the other as a support on the ground, so that the instrument is free to vibrate. On top of the drum there are four holes in one direction. Originally, these holes may have been used to hollow out the trunk, in the end they help with the resonance. (See Illustration number 4.) They beat the instrument with a short stick which is wound with vegetarian wool at one end. The sound differs depending on whether the drum is hit from the side or at the top. The messages are conveyed, in the manner of our Morse system, by a combination of these two sound possibilities. If the air is quiet, one is able to hear the túndui at a distance of several kilometers. The message is transmitted from one place to the other by a process of interception and further transmission.' [143] '“As we sat on the banks of the Upano, listening to the words of wisdom that fell from Kuashu's lips, we heard the distant beat of a drum resounding harshly over the forest. It was not the low musical note, full and vibrant, but a peculiarly hard, penetrating noise, resembling the rapid blows of an axe on some fallen tree-trunk. The signal drum or tundai of the Jivaros is just a log of hard wood, carefully hollowed out by hand and slung between a couple of poles for support. It is beaten with a club and the sound emitted has remarkable carrying qualities. If anything of moment ever occurs in the locality, the news is spread from house to house through the medium of the tundai. It also plays a prominent part on all festive occasions.' [144] 'First, the tunduí is beaten at the feasts when the narcotics nate´ma or maikoa are ceremonially consumed. In this case the drumming is in very slow time' [145] 'Secondly, the Jibaros beat the tunduí at the feasts (nambeŕa) where the ordinary manioc-beer (nihamańchi) or the beer made of the fruit of the chontaruŕu palm is ceremonially consumed.' [146] 'In both these cases the spirits (iguańchi), and not human beings, are summoned by means of the tunduí. But thirdly, the Indians use the signal drum to summon their human friends in two events, namely, when a death has taken place in a house and when enemies are [112] making an attack upon it. Since a death is always set down by the Jibaros to the secret machinations of some enemy sorcerer, the situation in the two events is essentially the same. The beating of the drum is a cry for help, or a notification that a crime has been committed. In this third case, i.e. when the drum is beaten for the purpose of giving friends notice of danger, the signalling consists of a series of short, fast strokes in a tone which, in each series, is at first forte or fortissimo and thereafter gradually diminishes. This is repeated several times. This particular mode of signalling is called Pakinmawae.”' [147] '“The big signal drum of the Jibaros, called tundúi, also plays a part in the wars, although originally it seems to have been a purely religious instrument. At times when there is fear of an attack of enemies it is placed outside the house on the hill, and the beats may then be heard at a distance of several miles. The drum tundúi is beaten when the Jibaros drink the narcotics maikoa and natéma-in which case the object is to summon the spirits that inhabit these sacred drinks-also after a death, and lastly to give friends notice of an attack by enemies. In the latter case the signalling consists of a series of short and fast beats at a time which is at first forte or fortissimo and there-after gradually diminishes. When the friends in the other houses hear these beats they say: Pakinmawae, ‘they are killing’. Hence this whole mode of signaling is called Pakinmawae. As soon as the inhabitants of a house get knowledge of or suspect the presence of enemies, and also during the attack, if there is time for it, they try by beating the tundúi to summon their friends for rescue, and the singalling may sometimes cause the enemy, fearing the arrival of help, to give up his evil intention and take flight.”' [148] They did not use professional couriers or postal services.
♠ Postal stations ♣ absent ♥ Shuar communities transmitted messages through ceremonial and war drums (see above). They did not use professional couriers or postal services.
♠ General postal service ♣ absent ♥ Shuar communities transmitted messages through ceremonial and war drums (see above). They did not use professional couriers or postal services.

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Hugh Bennett; Eva Brandl ♥

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ present ♥ Military use of copper was documented for the Spanish colonial period: "Salinas, writing in 1571 (second letter), says that the Indians in the vicinity of Santiago have copper axes, ( ) shields made of tapir skin and of wood, and spear throwers."[149] Note: Steel's comments suggest that the acquisition of metal rools was a major factor in transforming Shuar military activities in the Ecuadorian period: "Shuar tsantsa raids intensified in the latter part of the nineteenth century and then declined after about 1915, while intratribal feuding among the interior Shuar increased from about 1915 to 1957. Achuar feuding increased dramatically from 1940-70, then declined in the 1970s. These general changes in Jivaro warfare were shown to correspond to changes in the availability of Western goods. Moreover, evidence was given that the Jivaro had a strong desire to obtain manufactured valuables and that access to these items became an important basis of power for great men. That such motives could incite violence and alter the course of war was supported by analysis of particular cases, informants' statements to this effect, and an analysis of the process by which would-be assassins sought support for their ventures. Finally, other proposed explanations of Jivaro warfare fail to adequately account for the historical events described in this essay. Although I have only considered the Achuar and the Shuar here, there is reason to think that similar arguments could be developed for the other main Jivaro groups, the Aguaruna and the Huambisa. Beginning around the 1810s, the Aguaruna and the Huambisa initiated a series of devastat- - ing raids on Peruvian frontier towns in their area, obliterating some towns completely and often causing other towns to relocate (Guallart 1990: 139-47). The Aguaruna and the Huambisa were involved in the 1880-1915 rubber boom, and the Aguaruna were engaged in head-hunting raids (ibid.: 163-82; Bennett Ross 1980: 56).The explorer F. W. Up de Graff (1923: 238- go) provides a detailed eye-witness account of an Aguaruna tsantsa raid from this period that illustrates how manufactured valuables (provided by himself in this case) could stimulate violent action. From about 1950 to 1970 many Aguarunas and Huambisas labored for Peruvian patrones, often under exploitative conditions (Brown 1986: 38). In the early 1970s a new Peruvian government passed Indian-friendly laws that ultimately ended the patrones system, which may be related to the fact that the severe Aguaruna feuding of previous decades was a dim memory by 1978 (ibid.: 38-44). Anthropological theorizing about Jivaro warfare, then, would benefit from further inquiry into the influence of manufactured valuables." [150] Given how his evidence dates from the Ecuadorian period, we have assumed that the goods in question were not in widespread use prior to the Ecuadorian period. This is open to re-evaluation.
♠ Bronze ♣ absent ♥ no evidence of use
♠ Iron ♣ inferred absent ♥ Some ethnographers and travelers report the use of iron and steel tools for the Ecuadorian period: 'Spears with iron points were generally in use when I visited the Indians. The point (see Figure 7) has a socket at the bottom. The shaft is fastened into the socket with the help of resin. The spear or lance has a length of 2 1/2 - 3 1/2 meters. They are said to obtain the iron points by way of barter from the Indians along the upper Senepa. The points are said to come from Ecuador. The spear with the iron point is called nánki by the Indians. Formerly spears were used shaped out of the wood of the chonta palm, and they still occur in isolated instances. The shape of their point is the same as the iron one, but its cross-section shows a somewhat concave outline. Shaft and point are made out of one piece. These chonta lances are called angös.' [151] “Their arms are the spear of chouta, sometimes furnished with an iron head, and ‘bodoquera,’ or blow-gun, for smaller game and birds. Some use shields.” [152] It remains to be confirmed when the Shuar started to acquire iron and steel tools. We have provisionally assumed this to coincide with the onset of the Ecuadorian period. This remains in need of confirmation.
♠ Steel ♣ inferred absent ♥ Some ethnographers and travelers report the use of iron and steel tools for the Ecuadorian period. 'The Jesuits were shortly forced to withdraw from Gualaquiza and Macas due to political reasons, but they left behind them at Gualaquiza a few mestizos who constituted the first new permanent white settlement in the Jívaro region since 1599. These mestizos seem to have been tolerated by the Jívaro as a source of Western-manufactured goods, especially machetes and steel lance heads, the latter specially manufactured in the adjacent highland province of Azuay for the Jívaro trade.' [153] It remains to be confirmed when the Shuar started to acquire iron and steel tools. We have provisionally assumed this to coincide with the onset of the Ecuadorian period. This remains in need of confirmation.


Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ present ♥ 'The lance is a thrusting weapon but sometimes, although very rarely, it is employed as a missile.' [154] 'Mortillet says that the javelin proper consists of a shaft 76 cm. in length made from a stalk of caña brava (Guadua latifolia), which is smooth on the outside but filled with pith and unusually light in weight. One of the extremities is closed by a plug made of a resistant wood for receiving the spur of the throwing stick. Into the other extremity is fixed a chonta point in the form of a very sharp prismatic prong about 22 cm in length.' [155]
♠ Atlatl ♣ present: 1534-1675 CE; absent: 1676-1830 CE ♥ Spear-throwers were probably obsolete by the Ecuadorian period, but it seems clear that during the sixteenth century the Shuar used lances, spear throwers, and bows and arrows: 'Sometime during the latter part of the seventeenth century the bow and arrow and the spear thrower began to go out of use, being replaced by the blowgun with poison darts... The use of the spear thrower appears now to be entirely forgotten by the Jivaros.' [156] 'The spear-thrower is made of a piece of wood about 69 cm. long, with a groove hollowed on its upper side to receive the handle of the javelin; the rear end of the latter butts against the edge of the spear-thrower. The spear-thrower has a hole on its lower surface at the junction of its posterior and middle thirds, where the Indian puts his index finger in order to throw the javelin, as the illustration shows. The complete apparatus measures about 1 meter long.' [157] 1675 was selected as a provisional date of transition, although the historical process was more fluid than that.
♠ Slings ♣ absent ♥ 'They do not have slings for the hurling of arrows. No slings at all. No clubs.' [158]
♠ Self bow ♣ present: 1534-1675 CE; absent: 1676-1830 CE ♥ Bows and arrows were in use until the 17th century and later replaced with blowguns: 'Sometime during the latter part of the seventeenth century the bow and arrow and the spear thrower began to go out of use, being replaced by the blowgun with poison darts... The use of the spear thrower appears now to be entirely forgotten by the Jivaros.' [159] 'Ordinary bows and arrows of the kind used by most other South American Indians, are entirely unknown both to the Jibaros and the Canelos Indians.' [160] 'Some words may be added as to the arrows used for the poison and the blowgun with which they are shot off. The arrows bear no similarity to the ordinary long arrows known from most South American tribes and let off with a bow, a type of weapon entirely unknown to the Jibaros.' [161] 'The speed with which the darts are produced makes the blowgun an extremely economical weapon to operate compared, for example, to the bow and arrow, with which the Jívaro are not acquainted.' [162] 1675 was selected as a provisional date of transition, although the historical process was more fluid than that.
♠ Composite bow ♣ absent ♥ the sources mention machetes, rifles and arrows but to the best of our knowledge no other weapons were used at the time
♠ Crossbow ♣ absent ♥ the sources mention machetes, rifles and arrows but to the best of our knowledge no other weapons were used at the time
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ absent ♥ The Shuar constructed traps for defensive purposes: 'At intervals along the trails leading to the house strong saplings are bent back, attached with strings leading across the trail with trap releases. Spears are attached to these saplings so that when the string is stepped against, the sapling will react as a catapult, launching the spear into the body of the person releasing the trap. Deadfalls with pointed chonta sticks on the bottoms are dug at various strategic points. Frequently a trench with the bottom covered with chonta points in this fashion is dug entirely around the house. Great pains are taken to cover this naturally, so as to make its location difficult to detect. Loaded guns with strings attached to the triggers are also set up here and there along the trails in the manner of the spear-catapults."[163] These provisional traps do not constitute tension siege engines in the conventional sense of the term.
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ absent ♥ the sources mention machetes, rifles and arrows but to the best of our knowledge no other weapons were used at the time
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ absent ♥ the sources mention machetes, rifles and arrows but to the best of our knowledge no other weapons were used at the time
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ inferred absent ♥ Ethnographers and travelers report the use of firearms for the Ecuadorian period. The Shuar acquired firearms where possible: 'Guns clearly were revolutionary in their impact, producing a situation analogous to that reported by Vayda (1970) for the Maori of New Zealand. The same strenuous efforts were made by hostile Jivaroan groups to obtain firearms from a limited number of access points. The missionary, Vacas Galindo, reports of one local group allied with Candoshi along the Situye River who, under great pressure from expanding Upano Jívaro, ambushed a war party from that district with plans to exchange their shrunken heads with traders down on the Marañón for more firearms (Vacas Galindo 1895:173-178)... Access to firearms was difficult at best along the Alto Marañón and certainly uneven among the various Jivaroans at this time. Antipas and Aguaruna Indians, whom Up de Graff subsequently encountered upriver near the Pongo, also were known to descend the Marañón to barter at Barranca, even subsequent to the Huambisa treachery of 1898. Yet not one of their approximately 200 warriors carried a firearm as they escorted the explorer up the Santiago River on a collective headtaking expedition against the Huambisas in 1899 (1923:241, 251). Furthermore, they quickly fled southward after raiding several settlements, fearful of retaliation by enemies whom they knew to possess weapons far superior to their own (1923:275; cf. Stirling 1938:58)... As among the Maori, in the early days of acquiring Western weapons, “the outcomes of engagements … reflected mainly the relative success of groups in obtaining guns” (Vayda 1970:580). It is perhaps equally true that while the acquisition of guns became a material goal of raids and head-hunting (setting aside the supernatural motivations), the possession of guns also facilitated long-distance forays, enabling men from the Upano Valley, for example, to range as far south as the Marañón River (Harner 1972:116) through otherwise hostile country (cf. Vayda 1970:580).' [164] It remains to be confirmed when exactly the Shuar started to acquire iron and steel tools, including firearms. We have provisionally assumed that firearms were not in widespread use before the Ecuadorian period.

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ absent ♥ 'Salinas says that the Mainas, eastern neighbors of the Jivaros, for their arms have darts, shields, throwing rods with spear throwers, and wooden clubs (macanas) made of palm wood. There has been no reference to the use of clubs by the Jivaros.' [165] 'They do not have slings for the hurling of arrows. No slings at all. No clubs.' [166]
♠ Battle axes ♣ present ♥ Harner reports the use of axes: 'The relative isolation of the interior Jívaro, however, had not prevented them from obtaining increasing quantities of machetes, steel axes, and shotguns. By means of neighborhood-to-neighborhood relays of native trading partners, these products of Western civilization were passed from the frontier Jívaro into the most remote parts of the tribal territory. All of the interior Jívaro neighborhoods were thus supplied with steel cutting tools, firearms, and ammunition without the necessity of coming into direct contact with the white population.' [167] It is unclear which time period he is referring to. It remains to be confirmed when exactly the Shuar started to acquire iron and steel tools. Other writers report copper axes for the colonial period: "Salinas, writing in 1571 (second letter), says that the Indians in the vicinity of Santiago have copper axes, ( ) shields made of tapir skin and of wood, and spear throwers."[168]
♠ Daggers ♣ inferred absent ♥ Some later writers report the use of knives: 'A long time ago they started to import a dagger with short haft and a long, wide iron blade. (See Plate 59, Fig. 6) The dagger is worn in a scabbard on a belt. Two hollowed-out pieces of wood form the scabbard.' [169] 'Machetes and the less common trade knives are also sometimes employed as fighting weapons.' [170] 'It may be that the Jívaros themselves do not place very much confidence in the truth of their own war reports, or perhaps there are other reasons for demanding positive proof of the executed blood revenge and courage, but this much is certain, only the one who can display the head of the enemy as a trophy is regarded as victor. Thus all the effort goes into beheading the enemy. This is easy in an ambush, but more difficult in a regular battle. The warriors are armed with shield and lances and lately with large forest knives.' [171] It remains to be confirmed when the Shuar started to acquire iron and steel tools. We have provisionally assumed that European knives were not in widespread use before the Ecuadorian period. This is open to re-evaluation.
♠ Swords ♣ present ♥ the sources mention machetes, rifles and arrows but to the best of our knowledge no other weapons were used at the time. [172] [173] [174] [175]
♠ Spears ♣ inferred present ♥ Later writers report the use of spears: 'Spears with iron points were generally in use when I visited the Indians. The point (see Figure 7) has a socket at the bottom. The shaft is fastened into the socket with the help of resin. The spear or lance has a length of 2 1/2 - 3 1/2 meters. They are said to obtain the iron points by way of barter from the Indians along the upper Senepa. The points are said to come from Ecuador. The spear with the iron point is called nánki by the Indians. Formerly spears were used shaped out of the wood of the chonta palm, and they still occur in isolated instances. The shape of their point is the same as the iron one, but its cross-section shows a somewhat concave outline. Shaft and point are made out of one piece. These chonta lances are called angös.' [176] It remains to be confirmed when the Shuar started to acquire iron and steel tools. We have assumed that spears of a different kind were in use during the Spanish colonial period, with a different kind of tip. "Salinas, writing in 1571 (second letter), says that the Indians in the vicinity of Santiago have copper axes, ( ) shields made of tapir skin and of wood, and spear throwers."[177]
♠ Polearms ♣ absent ♥ the sources mention machetes, rifles and arrows but to the best of our knowledge no other weapons were used at the time

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ present ♥ Ethnographers report the use of watchdogs: 'The terrible custom demands ever new, ever more victims, all security must disappear, every individual constantly lives in danger of being ambushed; there is a general and permanent state of war. Hence the arrangement of the houses, one door of which can be used for flight, while the battle rages at the other; hence the customs mentioned at the beginning in connection with approaching a dwelling, for the protection of which, in addition, a pack of half-wild dogs are kept.' [178] 'At least one or two dogs are kept in most households. These not only aid in hunting in the forest, as mentioned earlier, but also protect the garden crops, including the manioc tubers, from devastation by agouti and other rodents. A family without a good hunting dog lives in fear of losing much of its garden produce within a few months. An equally important service that they provide is to act as watchdogs against surprise attacks. Leashed to beds in the women's end of the house (see Plate 11), their slightest barking usually results in the household head seizing his gun and preparing to defend himself and his family. Since the dogs' barking indicates that the intended victim has been alerted, the attacking party generally withdraws. Interestingly, the name for dog, niawá, is the same term used to designate the feared and respected jaguar.' [179] Given the defensive advantage conveyed by watchdogs, we have decided to include them in the code.
♠ Donkeys ♣ absent ♥ descriptions of raids make no mention of animals accompanying warriors
♠ Horses ♣ absent ♥ descriptions of raids make no mention of animals accompanying warriors
♠ Camels ♣ absent ♥ descriptions of raids make no mention of animals accompanying warriors
♠ Elephants ♣ absent ♥ descriptions of raids make no mention of animals accompanying warriors

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ present ♥ Some ethnographers report wooden and leather shields: 'The warriors are armed with shield and lances and lately with large forest knives. The circular shield, carved out of a single piece of soft and light wood, is about half as high as a man; the lance, made out of a thin, hard palm shaft (chonta) provided with a tip made out of bone or iron, is six to seven feet long or more.' [180]
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ present ♥ Some writers report wooden and leather shields: "Salinas, writing in 1571 (second letter), says that the Indians in the vicinity of Santiago have copper axes, ( ) shields made of tapir skin and of wood, and spear throwers."[181]
♠ Shields ♣ present ♥ Some ethnographers report wooden and leather shields: 'The warriors are armed with shield and lances and lately with large forest knives. The circular shield, carved out of a single piece of soft and light wood, is about half as high as a man; the lance, made out of a thin, hard palm shaft (chonta) provided with a tip made out of bone or iron, is six to seven feet long or more. The troops advance close together, each man in a bent position protected behind his shield; the lance rests in the right hand, held close to the tip. By a slight, regular movement of the right arm the long shaft, held horizontally, is set to swinging vertically in order to give the weapon steadiness and force when it is suddenly thrust forward. Shield pressed to shield, they fight man to man amidst loud war cries; each tries to protect himself; each tries to discover a weakness of the opponent, without overly exposing himself to the stones thrown by the women and children.' [182] "Salinas, writing in 1571 (second letter), says that the Indians in the vicinity of Santiago have copper axes, ( ) shields made of tapir skin and of wood, and spear throwers."[183]
♠ Helmets ♣ absent ♥ The ethnographic record contains descriptions of caps and ornamentation rather than physical armor in the conventional sense of the term: 'When the Jibaro warrior prepares for an attack against an enemy he puts on his head a sort of cap made of monkey's skin, which he prefers to the ordinary head ornament made of parrot or tucan feathers (tawása). The ear-tubes ought to be as large as possible so that their ends nearly reach the shoulders.' [184]
♠ Breastplates ♣ absent ♥ The ethnographic record contains descriptions of caps and ornamentation rather than physical armor in the conventional sense of the term: 'When the Jibaro warrior prepares for an attack against an enemy he puts on his head a sort of cap made of monkey's skin, which he prefers to the ordinary head ornament made of parrot or tucan feathers (tawása). The ear-tubes ought to be as large as possible so that their ends nearly reach the shoulders. Around the neck the warrior wears a necklace of jaguar's teeth and round the waist the usual cincture of human hair (akáchu). Old warriors, however, for an attack prefer to cincture themselves with a broad belt of the skin of the great boa. The uncovered part of the body, the face, the breast, the back, the arms, and legs, are finally painted black with genipa (sua).' [185]
♠ Limb protection ♣ absent ♥ The ethnographic record contains descriptions of caps and ornamentation rather than physical armor in the conventional sense of the term: 'When the Jibaro warrior prepares for an attack against an enemy he puts on his head a sort of cap made of monkey's skin, which he prefers to the ordinary head ornament made of parrot or tucan feathers (tawása). The ear-tubes ought to be as large as possible so that their ends nearly reach the shoulders. Around the neck the warrior wears a necklace of jaguar's teeth and round the waist the usual cincture of human hair (akáchu). Old warriors, however, for an attack prefer to cincture themselves with a broad belt of the skin of the great boa. The uncovered part of the body, the face, the breast, the back, the arms, and legs, are finally painted black with genipa (sua).' [186]
♠ Chainmail ♣ absent ♥ The ethnographic record contains descriptions of caps and ornamentation rather than physical armor in the conventional sense of the term
♠ Scaled armor ♣ absent ♥ The ethnographic record contains descriptions of caps and ornamentation rather than physical armor in the conventional sense of the term
♠ Laminar armor ♣ absent ♥ The ethnographic record contains descriptions of caps and ornamentation rather than physical armor in the conventional sense of the term
♠ Plate armor ♣ absent ♥ The ethnographic record contains descriptions of caps and ornamentation rather than physical armor in the conventional sense of the term

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ present ♥ The Shuar also used canoes when travelling far on campaigns: 'The co-operation provided by such non-untsuri šuarä inviters has sometimes made it possible for the Jívaro to travel incredibly far to kill. In one fondly remembered case, the assistance given by a tsumu šuarä (Huambisa) inviter-guide made it possible for a Jívaro expedition to pass down the Río Santiago by canoe through the entire Huambisa tribe and to wipe out most of an Aguaruna household on the Río Marañon below the Pongo de Manseriche.' [187]
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ absent ♥ Only canoes are mentioned in the sources
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ absent ♥ Only canoes are mentioned in the sources

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ present ♥ 'The Jivaro house is generally constructed with an eye to defense. As a rule, a house is erected in a small clearing, one side of which either faces a steep mountainside or a river bank.' [188] 'When the menaced Jívaro is the chief of the tribe or a person of prestige, he constructs a very remarkable kind of a fort on the top of a hill where he can see a long way. Four enormous strong posts, 25 m. high, chosen from among the strongest in the forest, support a little room 3 m. square with a floor of strong wood, a roof like those in the houses, surrounded by a wall of chonta and caña one meter high. A big ladder is the only way of getting in. In this fort are placed an enormous tunduli, rocks to be thrown against the assailants, lances, machetes, implements of every sort, and occasionally a good Winchester rifle completes the armament. It is unnecessary to add that all the approaches are protected by numerous traps.' [189]
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ present ♥ 'If a jivaría has reason to suspect that an attack is impending a palisade of balsa logs is set up around the house with small loopholes here and there between the posts to serve for observation and to shoot through. The walls of the house itself are reinforced on the inside with posts about 5 feet high.[190] 'When we arrived in the community of Santü and Bupátä several weeks after the Tsimu killing, both males were fortifying the settlement against an anticipated revenge attack. Walls of palm slats were already up around each wooden bed platform in the normally wall-less houses. Furthermore, the settlement clearing in which their two houses stood was slowly being encircled by a defensive palisade, or wínUkü, roughly 2½ m high, which immediately identifies a settlement presently or recently at war.' [191]
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ absent ♥ older reports describe palisades and watchtowers made from wood only
♠ Ditch ♣ absent ♥ The Shuar constructed traps: 'It is still common among the Jibaros to arrange a kind of trap on the way which leads to the house and where one expects the enemy will try to approach it. One such trap consists of a round hole in the ground, about 1 1/2 meters deep and large enough for a full-grown man to fall into it. At the bottom of the hole three pointed sticks of chonta, resembling points of lances, are arranged in an erect position. These pointed sticks are called ashi. The part which sticks out from the earth has a length of about half a meter. At the surface of the earth the opening of the hole is covered with small sticks and leaves which makes it difficult or impossible for the enemy, creeping along in the darkness, to discover its presence before he falls into it. When he falls his feet are transfixed by the pointed sticks and he is not able to get out. Besides, the defenders of the house are often keeping watch at these holes, ready to dispatch the enemy when he is caught in them. The Jibaros call these traps mesértinyu whua, ‘a hole of death’.' [192] These are not considered ditches in the conventional sense here.
♠ Moat ♣ absent ♥ older reports describe palisades and watchtowers made from wood only
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ present ♥ War-leaders had forts constructed when in danger of attack: 'When the menaced Jívaro is the chief of the tribe or a person of prestige, he constructs a very remarkable kind of a fort on the top of a hill where he can see a long way. Four enormous strong posts, 25 m. high, chosen from among the strongest in the forest, support a little room 3 m. square with a floor of strong wood, a roof like those in the houses, surrounded by a wall of chonta and caña one meter high. A big ladder is the only way of getting in. In this fort are placed an enormous tunduli, rocks to be thrown against the assailants, lances, machetes, implements of every sort, and occasionally a good Winchester rifle completes the armament. It is unnecessary to add that all the approaches are protected by numerous traps.' [193] Stirling describes material evidence of reinforced palisades where both wood and stones were used in the construction of protective enclosures: 'On the Casu, a tributary of the Apaga River, were two large abandoned jivarías, both strongly fortified by means of an inner wall 6 or 8 inches from the main wall standing about 5 feet in height, the intervening space being filled with small boulders gathered from the river bed, thus affording an excellent barricade in case of attack. Just off the end of the building which was evidently considered least vulnerable there was a small room barely 15 feet square which was protected on all sides in the same manner, but was raised about 20 feet from the ground, supported by four stout posts and placed conveniently near the little door of the main building so that one could at once step on a notched tree trunk and climb to safety, throwing the ladder away. These places are used for the safety of women and children in times of raiding and as a final refuge. Should the enemy try to climb to the hut, a shower of rocks is dropped down upon them, a supply being kept ready for that purpose. Climbing into one of these curious towers, it was found to have convenient niches in order that the occupants could command a complete view of the clearing on all sides and any Indian being fortunate enough to own a rifle and ammunition could easily hold at bay a strong force. However, the purpose of the structure is primarily as a protection for the women while the male occupants of the jivaría fight the enemy with their lances and shields.' [194]
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ absent ♥ older reports describe palisades and watchtowers made from wood only, even if stones were added they were not mortared
♠ Fortified camps ♣ absent ♥ older reports describe make-shift palisades and watchtowers made from wood only
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ absent ♥ older reports describe make-shift palisades and watchtowers made from wood only
♠ Long walls ♣ 0 ♥ km.
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ absent ♥ older reports describe make-shift palisades and watchtowers made from wood only

Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ Eva Brandl ♥

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ ♥
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ ♥
♠ Impeachment ♣ ♥

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ absent ♥ There were no social classes. Shuar society was organized in autonomous residential communities rather than social classes: 'Each community is politically independent with its own headman. Each is also located four or more kilometers from their nearest neighboring community. The community is made up of patrilineally and affinally related individuals, traditionally consisting of from 80 to 300 people (30 to 40 people in the twentieth century), living in one house called a JIVARIA. For defensive purposes, this house is built on a steep hill usually at the upper end of a stream. The house itself is approximately 13 meters by 26 meters in size, elliptical in shape, and has a thatched roof. In times of war, two or more communities united to fight a common enemy, as was the case when the Spanish attempted to conquer them.' [195]

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Eva Brandl ♥

Deification of Rulers

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ absent ♥

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ absent ♥

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ present ♥ Shuar society was organized in autonomous residential communities rather than social classes: 'Each community is politically independent with its own headman. Each is also located four or more kilometers from their nearest neighboring community. The community is made up of patrilineally and affinally related individuals, traditionally consisting of from 80 to 300 people (30 to 40 people in the twentieth century), living in one house called a JIVARIA. For defensive purposes, this house is built on a steep hill usually at the upper end of a stream. The house itself is approximately 13 meters by 26 meters in size, elliptical in shape, and has a thatched roof. In times of war, two or more communities united to fight a common enemy, as was the case when the Spanish attempted to conquer them.' [196] 'The basic domestic unit among the Jivaro is the polygynous family consisting of a man and his wife or wives and their children. Occasionally another relative such as a widowed mother or unmarried brother of the household head will also be included. In addition a married daughter and her husband may live in the household until the birth of their first child. Following the birth the family will be expected to move to a new dwelling nearby.' [197] Obligations to kin varied and were not organized through corporate kin groups: 'The basic Jivaro kin group is referred to as a "personal" bilateral kindred. In this type of kinship structure each person has a different kindred, with rights and obligations coinciding only with those of siblings of the same sex. Classification of kin, therefore, is spoken of as degrees of distance from ego, rather than in terms of membership or non-membership in a corporate unit as is quite often characteristic of unilineal descent societies. This form of kin group is probably the most insecure of the basic types of kinship systems for the individual, lacking defined descent groups affording protection from one's enemies and assistance in settling disputes among relatives (Harner, 1973: 97-98).' [198] 'Information on the classification of Jivaro kinship terminology is scant in the anthropological literature. In a series of tables appearing in an article entitled "World Ethnographic Sample", in the American Anthropologist, 1957, George P. Murdock characterizes the Jivaro as having bifurcate merging avuncular terminology in which FaBr is equated with Fa, but MoBr is differentiated from both. He also states that cousin terminology is also unusual in that non-marriageable cross-cousins are equated with siblings, while marriageable cross-cousins are differentiated (Murdock, 1957: 673). In single-word or elementary kin terms the modifier "true" or "branch" is added to the term to pin down degrees of relationship to ego. Where specific relatives are involved the modifying terms can often be substituted for one another, depending on the degree of closeness of relationship that the speaker wishes to imply. "True" relationship modifiers are used for an individual's biological kin - grandparents, parents, siblings, children, cross-cousins, and fathers of his cross-cousins. Those relatives assigned the "branch" category are affinal kin who, prior to marrying, were not considered by ego to be relatives of any degree (Harner, 1973: 98).' [199] Prestige could be obtained through hospitality: 'If a man clears the forest without the aid of neighbors, he tends to make small clearings at different times, while the rarer communal effort results in one large clearing. Whether [Page 49] the garden area is in a single clearing or several, its total size is heavily influenced by the number of wives a man has to cultivate the fields. A household with one wife tends to have a garden of about 50,000 square feet, while a second spouse increases the area to about 65,000, and a third to approximately 75,000. The areal increases are usually not simple multiples of the number of wives because the demand for food and beer to feed visitors tends to lag behind the increments in additional wives. These figures vary, of course, according to the consumption demands of the household, its number of visitors, and the industry of its inhabitants. A man who wishes to gain prestige may clear garden areas of larger size for each of his wives. In such a case, a household in which there are two wives may sometimes have a total garden of 100,000 square feet or more.' [200] 'The importance of wives in producing food and beer goes far beyond the subsistence requirements of the household itself. Plural wives assure a surplus production which will make possible adequate entertainment of visitors from other households. The Jívaro place a high value on drinking beer and eating (perhaps in that order), so that one's status in a neighborhood is greatly affected by one's generosity with beer and food. No one can expect to have many friends unless he is a good host; and he cannot easily meet the requirements of good hospitality without plural wives as a labor force.' [201] 'While the concept of the untä ideally encompasses all of the characteristics described, it is possible to acquire the designation with no formal qualifications other than simply having lived long enough to exhibit a few gray hairs and to have many grandchildren. Such an achievement receives respect as a sign of supernatural power, and an elderly untä of this sort is believed to have the ability to curse to death anyone who incurs his anger. No other kind of person is considered to possess this ability. Partly out of fear of being cursed, young men in the neighborhood assist him in land clearing and other tasks when he requests their aid. While the elderly untä's opinion is normally respected, he usually is not a real leader unless he is also outstanding as a killer, shaman, or good host. Thus the true “big men” are distinguished not only by longevity but by real leadership and generosity.' [202] Warfare was also an important means of acquiring prestige: 'Given such factors as the absence of any formal political organization and even of unilineal descent groups, as well as the pervasive belief in shamanistically induced illness and death, the conflict over women, and the emphasis on retaliatory sanctions and feuding, it should not be unexpected that the leaders in Jívaro society are outstanding killers and shamans. Although such leadership is informal, almost all neighborhoods have at least one or two noted killers and a few superior shamans who are valued as protectors of their neighboring relatives, or at least of those with whom they are on friendly terms. Such leadership roles are earned and, in the case of the killers, acquired literally through life-and-death struggle.' [203] 'It should be noted that the personal security which the Jívaro believe comes from killing has some social reality. A man who has killed repeatedly, called kakaram or “powerful one,” is rarely attacked because his enemies feel that the protection provided him by his constantly replaced souls would make any assassination attempt against him fruitless.' [204] 'The outstanding killer gains prestige and social obligations by helping the people of his locality in eliminating their enemies. Such a man is known as kakaram (“powerful” or “powerful one”) and also, if he is not too youthful, as untä. He is believed to possess an unusually large quantity of arutam soul power (see pp. 135-43) (kakarma), which both protects him from death and is believed to drive him on to kill as often as possible.' [205] 'The majority of young men interviewed expressed a strong desire to kill, not only to avenge the deaths of their fathers and other close relatives, but to acquire the arutam soul power and to become known, respected, and feared as kakaram. To be acknowledged as a kakaram, a man must have killed at least several persons. Early in his career, he does this by going on killing expeditions led by others, whether intra-tribal assassinations or the inter-tribal raids for tsantsa. As his reputation increases, he will eventually successfully organize and lead such an expedition himself, usually the more modest local assassination raid, probably against a specific personal enemy who is believed to have, sometime earlier, caused the death of a member of his immediate family. If he acquits himself well in achieving this assassination, especially as evidenced by firing the first shot into the victim, word will rapidly spread of his apparent power. Soon he will be approached by other men to lead them in killing expeditions against their own enemies. The kakaram, anxious to further his reputation as well as to gain additional supernatural power through more killing, rarely refuses such a request, even though it often means that he is agreeing to kill a fellow tribesman who is not even an enemy of his.' [206] 'As his reputation grows, the kakaram tends to dress himself in elaborate feather headdresses and ornaments when visiting other households or receiving guests (see frontispiece). [Page 113] Similarly, he adopts an ever more forceful and aggressive style of speaking when receiving visitors, meeting others on the trail, or in visiting other men. He conveys the impression of being invincible in every aspect of his public demeanor. If he has a son, he encourages him to become a killer also, and instructs him to the extent of taking him on assassination expeditions even as early as the age of six or seven years. Although such a young boy will not yet take part in the actual killing, the father brings him up to the corpse after the murder and has him fire into it, with the father helping him hold the gun. The wives of such a kakaram also are expected to outperform other women in making superior pottery vessels, doing garden work and other aspects of household labor. Informants said that one way of looking at this was that since a kakaram is very much a man, his wives have to be very much women.' [207] 'While a kakaram is greatly feared by his enemies, his neighbors usually look upon him as a great local asset, a deterrent to attacks upon them, and refer to him with the title untä (big) before his name, especially if he is also hospitable to them and generous with beer and food. Of course, there may be neighbors who get into a quarrel or other dispute with him; but they almost always move as soon as possible to another region of the tribe where they feel more secure. Thus there is a continual process of self-selection in terms of the composition of any neighborhood, which tends to reduce local antagonisms.' [208] Harner provides a general description of informal leaders or 'big men': 'The most successful party-givers and hosts are those men who, in addition to having two or three wives to produce large amounts of beer and food, are respected by their neighbors for: their renown as killers in feuds and war, or as shamans; the achievement of age sufficient to have grand-children; and who are generally of an amiable, honest, and magnanimous nature when dealing with those who are not their enemies. A man who has most of these characteristics is referred to by the term untä, which means “big” or “old” man. The demeanor of party participants in the house of such a man tends to be more circumspect and respectful of the master of the house, and excesses such as arguments and brawls seem to occur less often.' [209] Material possessions were considered to be indicative of prestige and power: 'Posts, beams, roof and walls are all lashed firmly together with strips of inner tree bark. Proceeding painstakingly, a man usually constructs a large and impressive structure capable of withstanding not only the natural elements and enemy attack, but also critical evaluation by his neighbors. The size and quality of a man's house is regarded as a serious indication of his personal “power,” kakarma.' [210] But these differences in prestige and status did not translate into anything resembling a class system.

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ absent ♥ Authority was fluid and informal: “There is no permanent chief for the different geographical groups. (Each cluster of houses is named after the rivulets where they are situated, as for instance the Patucas, the Yurupazas, the Yaupis.) The family head is the highest authority and his power is limited to the members of his house. Only in time of war are chiefs appointed for larger units, but their power is provisional and confined to the war-period only.” [211] 'Each community is politically independent with its own headman. Each is also located four or more kilometers from their nearest neighboring community. The community is made up of patrilineally and affinally related individuals, traditionally consisting of from 80 to 300 people (30 to 40 people in the twentieth century), living in one house called a JIVARIA. For defensive purposes, this house is built on a steep hill usually at the upper end of a stream. The house itself is approximately 13 meters by 26 meters in size, elliptical in shape, and has a thatched roof. In times of war, two or more communities united to fight a common enemy, as was the case when the Spanish attempted to conquer them.' [212] '“From the statements I have previously made as to the distribution of the Jibaro tribes it appears that their social organization is loose. In fact, the whole people is split up into a great number of tribes which in their turn are sub-divided into smaller clans or septs comprising a few families closely related to one another by blood. These sub-tribes do not form village communities; each family inhabits its own big communal house (héa), but these are not situated close to one another, they lie scattered here and there in the virgin forest. Generally one has to march for one or several hours to arrive at the next house. Each Jibaro house forms in fact a separate and independent social, political, and economic unit with its own household, its own plantations in the vicinity of the house, and its own ruler or chief, the oldest family father who, at any rate in time of peace, is not controlled by anybody. It is much the same feature that we meet in other parts of tropical South America, where the impenetrable virgin forests necessarily lead to social disintegration, which is further increased by the general anti-social tendencies of the Indians. The state of things found among the Jibaros, however, is in many respects unique.' [213] Warfare was an important means of attaining prestige: “Among the Jibaros as we have seen each family father is theoretically absolute ruler over his house people, and in times of peace there is no recognized common chief even within the tribe, and still less any exercising authority over several tribes. The Jibaros have not even a proper name for a chief. The word capitu, which is sometimes used, is borrowed from the Spanish and is used principally to denote a white man of importance. It is only in times of war that a chieftainship exists; that is to say, during those great wars of extermination which are carried out against other Jibaro tribes. Such a temporary chief of war is generally only called únta, ‘the old one’, because the chiefs are nearly always old, experienced men who have killed many enemies and captured many heads. The small blood-feuds within the tribe, on the other hand, have a more private character and as a rule are not fought out under the leadership of a common chief.” [214] “The authority of the chief elected for a war is very great. It is he alone who arranges everything for the expedition planned, who decides [268] about the time for and the mode of making the attack, and the younger warriors oblige themselves to obey him in everything. But as soon as a war has been carried to a successful end the power of the chief ceases, and he has, in spite of the great repute he always enjoys, no more authority or right to decide about the doings of his tribesmen than any other family-father among the Jibaros.” [215] 'When a whole tribe, or perhaps several tribes together, prepare a war against one or more other tribes, the first thing done is to elect a common chief. He should be an elderly, experienced man, who has taken part in several wars, killed many enemies, and celebrated at least one victory feast. The rest of the warriors, who are generally younger men, swear him unlimited obedience. During the time the expedition is planned and the preparations are made, the warriors, and especially the chief, repeatedly drink maikoa or natéma to consult the spirits. They pay great attention to their dreams, even to those not produced under the direct influence of the narcotic drinks, tell them to each other, and discuss their possible significance. Only if they believe that they have received favourable answers and all omens are good are measures taken to carry out the war plan conceived. Meanwhile they try, through spies, to acquire as accurate a knowledge as possible about everything concerning the enemy: how many houses there are in the tract, how many fighting men in each house, if the houses are fortified, if the [283] men are well armed, and especially if they have firearms. All these and similar details the spies investigate by making trips into the country of the enemy and by stealing at night to the houses. Everything is prepared [Page 282-283] with the greatest secrecy possible, so that the enemy is caught unprepared, for otherwise he will have time to take measures of defence that may defeat the whole undertaking.” [216] Successful war-leaders were considered to be spiritually powerful: 'It should be noted that the personal security which the Jívaro believe comes from killing has some social reality. A man who has killed repeatedly, called kakaram or “powerful one,” is rarely attacked because his enemies feel that the protection provided him by his constantly replaced souls would make any assassination attempt against him fruitless.' [217] 'The outstanding killer gains prestige and social obligations by helping the people of his locality in eliminating their enemies. Such a man is known as kakaram (“powerful” or “powerful one”) and also, if he is not too youthful, as untä. He is believed to possess an unusually large quantity of arutam soul power (see pp. 135-43) (kakarma), which both protects him from death and is believed to drive him on to kill as often as possible.' [218] 'The majority of young men interviewed expressed a strong desire to kill, not only to avenge the deaths of their fathers and other close relatives, but to acquire the arutam soul power and to become known, respected, and feared as kakaram. To be acknowledged as a kakaram, a man must have killed at least several persons. Early in his career, he does this by going on killing expeditions led by others, whether intra-tribal assassinations or the inter-tribal raids for tsantsa. As his reputation increases, he will eventually successfully organize and lead such an expedition himself, usually the more modest local assassination raid, probably against a specific personal enemy who is believed to have, sometime earlier, caused the death of a member of his immediate family. If he acquits himself well in achieving this assassination, especially as evidenced by firing the first shot into the victim, word will rapidly spread of his apparent power. Soon he will be approached by other men to lead them in killing expeditions against their own enemies. The kakaram, anxious to further his reputation as well as to gain additional supernatural power through more killing, rarely refuses such a request, even though it often means that he is agreeing to kill a fellow tribesman who is not even an enemy of his.' [219] 'As his reputation grows, the kakaram tends to dress himself in elaborate feather headdresses and ornaments when visiting other households or receiving guests (see frontispiece). [Page 113] Similarly, he adopts an ever more forceful and aggressive style of speaking when receiving visitors, meeting others on the trail, or in visiting other men. He conveys the impression of being invincible in every aspect of his public demeanor. If he has a son, he encourages him to become a killer also, and instructs him to the extent of taking him on assassination expeditions even as early as the age of six or seven years. Although such a young boy will not yet take part in the actual killing, the father brings him up to the corpse after the murder and has him fire into it, with the father helping him hold the gun. The wives of such a kakaram also are expected to outperform other women in making superior pottery vessels, doing garden work and other aspects of household labor. Informants said that one way of looking at this was that since a kakaram is very much a man, his wives have to be very much women.' [220] 'While a kakaram is greatly feared by his enemies, his neighbors usually look upon him as a great local asset, a deterrent to attacks upon them, and refer to him with the title untä (big) before his name, especially if he is also hospitable to them and generous with beer and food. Of course, there may be neighbors who get into a quarrel or other dispute with him; but they almost always move as soon as possible to another region of the tribe where they feel more secure. Thus there is a continual process of self-selection in terms of the composition of any neighborhood, which tends to reduce local antagonisms.' [221] Hospitality was also important: 'If a man clears the forest without the aid of neighbors, he tends to make small clearings at different times, while the rarer communal effort results in one large clearing. Whether [Page 49] the garden area is in a single clearing or several, its total size is heavily influenced by the number of wives a man has to cultivate the fields. A household with one wife tends to have a garden of about 50,000 square feet, while a second spouse increases the area to about 65,000, and a third to approximately 75,000. The areal increases are usually not simple multiples of the number of wives because the demand for food and beer to feed visitors tends to lag behind the increments in additional wives. These figures vary, of course, according to the consumption demands of the household, its number of visitors, and the industry of its inhabitants. A man who wishes to gain prestige may clear garden areas of larger size for each of his wives. In such a case, a household in which there are two wives may sometimes have a total garden of 100,000 square feet or more.' [222] 'The importance of wives in producing food and beer goes far beyond the subsistence requirements of the household itself. Plural wives assure a surplus production which will make possible adequate entertainment of visitors from other households. The Jívaro place a high value on drinking beer and eating (perhaps in that order), so that one's status in a neighborhood is greatly affected by one's generosity with beer and food. No one can expect to have many friends unless he is a good host; and he cannot easily meet the requirements of good hospitality without plural wives as a labor force.' [223] 'The most successful party-givers and hosts are those men who, in addition to having two or three wives to produce large amounts of beer and food, are respected by their neighbors for: their renown as killers in feuds and war, or as shamans; the achievement of age sufficient to have grand-children; and who are generally of an amiable, honest, and magnanimous nature when dealing with those who are not their enemies. A man who has most of these characteristics is referred to by the term untä, which means “big” or “old” man. The demeanor of party participants in the house of such a man tends to be more circumspect and respectful of the master of the house, and excesses such as arguments and brawls seem to occur less often.' [224] 'While the concept of the untä ideally encompasses all of the characteristics described, it is possible to acquire the designation with no formal qualifications other than simply having lived long enough to exhibit a few gray hairs and to have many grandchildren. Such an achievement receives respect as a sign of supernatural power, and an elderly untä of this sort is believed to have the ability to curse to death anyone who incurs his anger. No other kind of person is considered to possess this ability. Partly out of fear of being cursed, young men in the neighborhood assist him in land clearing and other tasks when he requests their aid. While the elderly untä's opinion is normally respected, he usually is not a real leader unless he is also outstanding as a killer, shaman, or good host. Thus the true “big men” are distinguished not only by longevity but by real leadership and generosity.' [225] The 'power' of an individual was thus reflected in his material possessions: 'Posts, beams, roof and walls are all lashed firmly together with strips of inner tree bark. Proceeding painstakingly, a man usually constructs a large and impressive structure capable of withstanding not only the natural elements and enemy attack, but also critical evaluation by his neighbors. The size and quality of a man's house is regarded as a serious indication of his personal “power,” kakarma.' [226] However, these differences did not translate into a system of social classes or castes. Sons of leaders were considered to inherit the outstanding capacities of their fathers. However, this does not seem to imply a customary system of power transfer from father to son as individual achievement was still paramount: “The dignity of a chieftain is hereditary in a relative sense, in so far that the son of a chief is generally elected chief in time of war after his father has died or grown decrepit. This, however, can only take place if he has proved a valiant and skilled warrior and has killed enemies. No Jibaro is selected as a chief if he has not killed at least one enemy. The Jibaros have absolute faith in the heritability of prominent qualities, and ascribe extraordinary importance to education and the power of example. The son of a great chief, they say, must necessarily also become an able warrior because he is, as it were, a direct continuation of his father, has received a careful education for the deeds of war, and has always had the good example of his great father before his eyes.” [227] The 'spirital' and 'powerful' qualities attributed to leaders militate against an 'ideological equation' of leaders and 'commoners', despite the absence of clearly defined social classes in Shuar society.
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ suspected unknown ♥ There were no elites (see above).

♠ Ideology reinforces prosociality ♣ present ♥

♠ production of public goods ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Construction of festival houses may qualify (see below). More material is needed.

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ absent ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ absent ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ absent ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [228] [229] [230]

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