CnHQngL

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Phase I Variables (polity-based)

General variables

♠ RA ♣ ♥

♠ Original name ♣ Hmong - Late Qing ♥

♠ Alternative names ♣ A-Hmao; Big Flowery (Hmong); Da Hua Bei (Hmong); Da Hua (Hmong); Diandongbei (Hmong); Flowery (Hmong); Great Flowery Tribe; Hua (Hmong); Hwa (Hmong); Northeastern Dian (Hmong); Northeastern Yunnan (Hmong); Ta Hwa (Hmong); Large Flowery; ‘Miao’ ♥ "Miao or Meo[...] means, depending on which linguistic historian you read, 'barbarians,' 'bumpkins,' 'people who sound like cats,' or 'wild uncultivated grasses.' In any case, it was an insult. ('Hmong,' the name they prefer themselves, is usually said to mean 'free men,' but some scholars say that, like 'Inuit,' 'Dine,' and many other tribal names the world over, it simply means 'the people.')"[1] Many authors use the term “Miao”, but this is because it was a commonly used term up until the 1970s, when "the scholar Yang Dao successfully campaigned for the general acceptance of 'Hmong.'"[2] While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the name “Hmong” instead of "Miao", except for source titles and direct quotations.

♠ Peak Date ♣ 1790 CE ♥ This quasi-polity was weakened significantly in the aftermath of the 1795 Hmong Rebellion and fell into an increasingly subordinate relationship to Qing Dynastic power after the end of the rebellion in 1806.


Temporal bounds

♠ Duration ♣ 1701-1895 CE ♥ Beginning with the onset of the Late Qing Dynastic Period and continuing until the early Chinese republican period.

♠ Degree of centralization ♣ quasi-polity ♥ The transition from the Qing dynastic to the Chinese republican period was characterized by significant political and economic transformations: 'From Song on, in periods of relative peace, government control was exercised through the tusi system of indirect rule by appointed native headmen who collected taxes, organized corvée, and kept the peace. Miao filled this role in Hunan and eastern Guizhou, but farther west the rulers were often drawn from a hereditary Yi nobility, a system that lasted into the twentieth century. In Guizhou, some tusi claimed Han ancestry, but were probably drawn from the ranks of assimilated Bouyei, Dong, and Miao. Government documents refer to the "Sheng Miao" (raw Miao), meaning those living in areas beyond government control and not paying taxes or labor service to the state. In the sixteenth century, in the more pacified areas, the implementation of the policy of gaitu guiliu began the replacement of native rulers with regular civilian and military officials, a few of whom were drawn from assimilated minority families. Land became a commodity, creating both landlords and some freeholding peasants in the areas affected. In the Yunnan-Guizhou border area, the tusi system continued and Miao purchase of land and participation in local markets was restricted by law until the Republican period (1911-1949).'[3] Miao popular uprisings against the deleterious effects of economic and ethnic stratification continued well into the republican period: 'During the Qing, uprisings and military encounters escalated. There were major disturbances in western Hunan (1795-1806) and a continuous series of rebellions in Guizhou (1854-1872). Chinese policies toward the Miao shifted among assimilation, containment in "stockaded villages," dispersal, removal, and extermination. The frequent threat of "Miao rebellion" caused considerable anxiety to the state; in actuality, many of these uprisings included Bouyei, Dong, Hui, and other ethnic groups, including Han settlers and demobilized soldiers. At issue were heavy taxation, rising landlordism, rivalries over local resources, and official corruption. One of the last Miao uprisings occurred in 1905 in western Hunan in opposition to Guomindang (Republican) continuation of the tuntian system, which forced the peasants to open up new lands and grow crops for the state.'

♠ Supra-polity relations ♣ vassalage ♥ The transition from the Qing dynastic to the Chinese republican period was characterized by significant political and economic transformations: 'From Song on, in periods of relative peace, government control was exercised through the tusi system of indirect rule by appointed native headmen who collected taxes, organized corvée, and kept the peace. Miao filled this role in Hunan and eastern Guizhou, but farther west the rulers were often drawn from a hereditary Yi nobility, a system that lasted into the twentieth century. In Guizhou, some tusi claimed Han ancestry, but were probably drawn from the ranks of assimilated Bouyei, Dong, and Miao. Government documents refer to the "Sheng Miao" (raw Miao), meaning those living in areas beyond government control and not paying taxes or labor service to the state. In the sixteenth century, in the more pacified areas, the implementation of the policy of gaitu guiliu began the replacement of native rulers with regular civilian and military officials, a few of whom were drawn from assimilated minority families. Land became a commodity, creating both landlords and some freeholding peasants in the areas affected. In the Yunnan-Guizhou border area, the tusi system continued and Miao purchase of land and participation in local markets was restricted by law until the Republican period (1911-1949).' [4] Miao popular uprisings against the deleterious effects of economic and ethnic stratification continued well into the republican period: 'During the Qing, uprisings and military encounters escalated. There were major disturbances in western Hunan (1795-1806) and a continuous series of rebellions in Guizhou (1854-1872). Chinese policies toward the Miao shifted among assimilation, containment in "stockaded villages," dispersal, removal, and extermination. The frequent threat of "Miao rebellion" caused considerable anxiety to the state; in actuality, many of these uprisings included Bouyei, Dong, Hui, and other ethnic groups, including Han settlers and demobilized soldiers. At issue were heavy taxation, rising landlordism, rivalries over local resources, and official corruption. One of the last Miao uprisings occurred in 1905 in western Hunan in opposition to Guomindang (Republican) continuation of the tuntian system, which forced the peasants to open up new lands and grow crops for the state.'

Supra-cultural relations

♠ preceding (quasi)polity ♣ Hmong - Early Qing ♥
♠ relationship to preceding (quasi)polity ♣ continuity ♥
♠ succeeding (quasi)polity ♣ Hmong - Early Chinese ♥
♠ Supracultural entity ♣ China ♥
♠ scale of supra-cultural interaction ♣ 11,300,000 ♥ km squared. Entirety of the Qing Empire

♠ Capital ♣ suspected unknown ♥ Given the dispersed settlement pattern of the Hmong population, different sub-groups were governed from their respective provincial capitals and district towns rather than from a common administrative centre: 'KWEICHOW is a part of the Southwestern Tableland which, as a spar of the great Tibetan plateau, slopes to the south and east away from Tibet (fig. 1, frontispiece). It is bounded on the north by Szechuan, on the east by Hunan, on the south by Kwangsi, and on the west by Yünnan. The structural trend in Kweichow is east and west, with drainage to the south into the West River and to the north and east into the Yangtze River. The province slopes from a height of over 6000 feet in the west to less than 2000 feet in the east. Some valleys lie as high as 4000 feet, and mountain summits reach 9000. S. R. Clarke estimated that most of Kweichow is at least 3000 feet above sea level, the altitude constantly decreasing as one goes east. Wei-ning Lake, in the western part of the province is, he says, 7000 feet above sea level. The altitude of Kweiyang, the capital, is given by G. B. Cressey as 3468.56 feet. There are certainly high mountains in the western part of the province. The traveler going by motor road from Kunming to Kweiyang repeatedly has the feeling of being “on top of the world.”' [5] 'In 1932 I was transferred to Chengtu □, the capital of the province, and was made curator of the West China Union University Museum of Archaeology, Art, and Ethnology. From this time on I made more determined efforts to learn about the Ch'uan Miao. I spent several summers with them, and on one of these expeditions I was accompanied by W. R. Morse, M.D., and Gordon Agnew, D.D.S.' [6] During the turbulent republican period, China was intermittently governed from the city of Nanjing, although competing forces periodically operated from different urban centres: 'Nanjing, Wade-Giles romanization Nan-ching, conventional Nanking, city, capital of Jiangsu sheng (province), east-central China. It is a port on the Yangtze River (Chang Jiang) and a major industrial and communications centre. Rich in history, it served seven times as the capital of regional empires, twice as the seat of revolutionary government, once (during the Sino-Japanese War of 1937-45) as the site of a puppet regime, and twice as the capital of a united China (the second time ending with the Japanese conquest of the city in 1937). The name Nanjing (“Southern Capital”) was introduced in 1403, during the Ming dynasty. Area mun., 2,547 square miles (6,598 square km). Pop. (2005 est.) urban districts, 2,363,844; urban and suburban districts, 5,133,771; mun., 5,957,992.' [7]


♠ Language ♣ Hmong-Mien, Hmongic, Chuanqiandian ♥ [8]

General Description

The Hmong are an agricultural people who have inhabited southern China for about 2000 years.[9] Made up of several distinct cultures, they are also known as the Miao, an insulting term that loosely translates to 'barbarians' or 'bumpkins'.[10] The Qing Dynasty was marked by a series of Hmong uprisings, first in western Hunan from 1795 to 1806 CE, and then in Guizhou from 1854 to 1872.[11]

Population and political organization

Throughout most of Hmong history, Chinese governmental control was imposed indirectly through native headmen known as tusi, who were responsible for keeping the peace, tax collection and organizing corvée labour.[12] During the Republican period, the Chinese government attempted to assimilate the Hmong as much as possible and heavily discouraged displays of Hmong ethnicity.[13]
In 1954, the population of the Hmong was estimated at 150,000.[14] Secure population estimates for earlier periods are lacking but the Hmong may have numbered around 200,000 during the Qing Dynasty.

Social Complexity variables

♠ RA ♣ ♥

Social Scale

♠ Polity territory ♣ 10,100 ♥ in squared kilometers. ‘The wide dispersion makes it difficult to generalize about ecological settings. Miao settlements are found anywhere from a few hundred meters above sea level to elevations of 1,400 meters or more. The largest number are uplands people, often living at elevations over 1,200 meters and located at some distance from urban centers or the lowlands and river valleys where the Han are concentrated. Often, these upland villages and hamlets are interspersed with those of other minorities such as Yao, Dong, Zhuang, Yi, Hui, and Bouyei.' [15] 'The Ch'uan Miao are an ethnic group living on the borders of Szechwan, Kweichow, and Yunnan Provinces, western China. The country is very mountainous with numerous peaks rising 3,000 to 6,000 feet above sea level. There are many streams, forests, waterfalls, perpendicular or overhanging cliffs, natural caves and natural bridges, and deepholes or pits where the water disappears into the bowels of the earth. While the roads between the Chinese towns and villages are generally paved with stones, most of the roads are narrow footpaths up and down the steep mountainsides or through fields and forests.' [16] Some authors claim periodic decreases in population size for the rural Hmong population and report inconsistencies in the self-reporting of settled territory: 'The area of the Sheng Miao according to their exaggerated account, extends to 9,000 li, but actually the area is about 200 /sq./ li in length and width. It is a mountainous area, the highest peak at Teng-k'ung-ming-t'ang being 2,000 meters, and the total population about 10,000. The writer has visited altogether 101 Sheng Miao villages of all sizes, the largest being Chia-lu, Chia-mien, Chia-ya, Chia-lung, Chia-wêng, Cheng-yu, Tang-wêng and Chüeh-ts'ai-p'ing, with about 100 families in each. Even today they do not have a single market fair within the area and this shows how circumscribed is the sphere of their economic activity. Their only means of livelihood is agriculture. Almost all the fields are terraced according to natural topography, rising from the bottom of the slope to the top in several hundred layers. The shape of the field is long and narrow, producing rice, wheat, corn and barley. [...] Being in direct contact with them, the writer could watch at close quarters their extremely miserable conditions, which are pitiable indeed. Because of their ignorance they do not know how to save or to improve the method of production. In case of famine they cannot escape starvation, which is the most important reason for the decrease in their population.' [17]


♠ Polity Population ♣ [150,000-200,000] ♥ People. “In the eighteenth century, as China’s population doubled to over 300 million, the Miao Frontier experienced corresponding demographic crisis, growing from a few tens of thousands to well over a hundred thousand residents.” [18] 200,000 is a best guess of the population of the A-Hmao Big Flowery Hmong from extremely limited sources and will require further investigation. Modern populations estimates hover around 400,000. The quasi-polity's population would have undoubtedly fluctuated greatly during the Hmong rebellions to the east and the subsequent mass dispersal from these regions to the south and west.

♠ Population of the largest settlement ♣ [5,000-10,000] ♥ Inhabitants. The largest settlements in the Qiandongnan region of China may have had up to 1,000 households, or perhaps 5000-10,000 people. [19]

Hierarchical Complexity

♠ Settlement hierarchy ♣ 2 ♥ levels.

1. Village (administrative center)

2. Hamlet (residential only)

♠ Administrative levels ♣ [2-4] ♥ levels.

1: hereditary Yi family leader OR military appointee 2. village headmen. 'These ‘native officials’ were remnants of the former tusi system, through which the Chinese imperial court granted titles to indigenous overlords to serve its indirect rule over the southwestern frontier. They survived the policy of gaitu guiliu (substituting posted officials for native officials) in the Qing dynasty, yet found themselves facing imminent threats from the Republican regime in the mid-1930s.'[20]

1. Intermediary with Chinese state (tusi), then Hundred-household Heads (baihu); 2. Clan leaders; 3. Lineage leaders; 4. Village headmen.
Hmong representative in Chinese bureaucracy at the county, township, and village level. The main social organization structure in traditional Hmong society is the clan (Xeem) system, followed by a clan’s many lineages, and then the families within those lineages. [21] The Qing allowed the traditional village and lineage headmen of Hmong and other groups in the Yunnan, Guizhou and Sichuan to act as local officials of the empire, preserving some degree of traditional culture and social structure. [22] In the seventeenth century, the early Qing rulers wanted to bring the land of the Hmong Frontier within reach. The native tusi alliance was partially abolished and the territory incorporated as the southwestern tip of Chenzhou Prefecture; by 1730 the program included “bringing chieftains into the system” (gaitu guiliu). The Hmong Frontier’s remaining native units were dismantled; the Qing retained aspects of the former chieftain system in the establishment of a new set of hereditary leaders known as “Hundred-household Heads” (baihu). [23]

♠ Religious levels ♣ 1 ♥ levels. Religious leaders or shamans dealt directly with devotees to the bidlang, or ancestral pantheon.

♠ Military levels ♣ ♥ levels.

Professions

♠ Professional military officers ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Professional soldiers ♣ suspected unknown ♥

♠ Professional priesthood ♣ absent ♥ Shamans "engage in ordinary work, and only the most important religious activities require them to don special items of dress and decoration to mark them from others. There are no written texts for learning the chants, songs, dances, and rituals: they are memorized. If called by a family, specialists receive a small payment (often in foodstuffs) for their assistance".[24]

Bureaucracy characteristics

♠ Full-time bureaucrats ♣ inferred absent ♥ The Hmong were traditionally lead by tusi headmen who were responsible to the Chinese state. There was no writing system for the Hmong language before 1905 so there would have been no specialist administrators unconnected to the Chinese state. [25] [26] Whether imported from the east or selected by Qing rulers, full-time regional administrators came to dominate the Hmong.

♠ Examination system ♣ ♥ Qing examination systems were eventually introduced.

♠ Merit promotion ♣ ♥

♠ Specialized government buildings ♣ ♥ Qing agricultural and military schools were introduced in the Late Qing period.

Law

♠ Formal legal code ♣ absent ♥ The A-Hmao language was first written by the Pollard script in apprx. 1905.[27]

♠ Judges ♣ ♥

♠ Courts ♣ ♥

♠ Professional Lawyers ♣ ♥

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

♠ irrigation systems ♣ present ♥ According to Ethnographic Atlas variable 28 'Intensity of Agriculture', the Hmong practice 'Intensive irrigated agriculture (J.)' Agricultural technologies and practices varied depending on the prevalence of dry swidden versus wet rice cultivation: 'Economic strategies vary. The Hua Miao were shifting-swidden agriculturalists, growing buckwheat, oats, corn, potatoes, and hemp, and using a simple wooden hand plow or hoe. Sheep and goats were fed on nearby pasture land. Additionally the Hua Miao hunted with crossbow and poisoned arrows and gathered foodstuffs in the forests. In parts of Guizhou, the Miao more closely resembled their Han neighbors in their economic strategies as well as in their technology (the bullock-drawn plow, harrowing, use of animal and human wastes as fertilizer). The Cowrie Shell Miao in central Guizhou were settled farmers growing rice in flooded fields, and also raising millet, wheat, beans, vegetables, and tobacco. Their livestock was limited to barnyard pigs and poultry, with hunting and gathering playing a very minor role. Some of the Black Miao in southeast Guizhou combine intensive irrigated terrace farming of rice with dry-field upland cropping.' [28] Many Hmong groups practice wet rice terrace irrigation and used the horse-driven wooden water-wheel. Others were swidden agriculturalists who did not have irrigation. [29] [30]
♠ drinking water supply systems ♣ absent ♥ Relied on freshwater sources for drinking water. Only some villages benefited from pipe construction schemes by missionaries, and this process did not start until the late 19th and early 20th centuries: 'The mountain community of Shimenkan (Stone Gateway) in northwestern Guizhou served as the headquarters of church activity. In addition to its own large primary school, it offered secondary schooling and teacher training. At least thirty Hua Miao continued on and graduated from university in the decades before 1949. Some of these became ordained Methodist ministers or doctors and one became a well-regarded anthropologist (Yang Hanxian). Generally the local chapels were served by lay preachers who were trained at Shimenkan. Other young people received training as nurses and agricultural extension workers. At various points in time, agricultural and industrial extension programs were held at Shimenkan. New strains of potatoes were introduced, fruit orchards were planted on the hillsides of many villages, vegetable gardens were encouraged, and a number of Miao learned the techniques of carpentry, brickmaking, and masonry. More efficient looms were designed for home production of cloth. During the prerevolutionary decades, some villages benefited from collective endeavors to build bridges and roads, and pipe systems that brought water into the community. Teams of medical workers, from Shimenkan or from the churchaffiliated hospitals in nearby Zhaotong City, traveled around the area periodically. Even those who were not interested in becoming church members participated in the economic innovations, accepted treatment from the medical workers, and sent their children to the schools.' [31] Accordingly, we have assumed that most Hmong communities did not rely on drinking water supply systems, especially not before the Republican period.
♠ markets ♣ ♥
♠ food storage sites ♣ ♥

Transport infrastructure

♠ Roads ♣ present ♥ [32]
♠ Bridges ♣ inferred present ♥
♠ Canals ♣ ♥
♠ Ports ♣ ♥

Special purpose sites

♠ Mines or quarries ♣ ♥

Information

Writing System

♠ Mnemonic devices ♣ ♥
♠ Nonwritten records ♣ ♥
♠ Written records ♣ absent ♥ The A-Hmao language was first written by the Pollard script in apprx. 1905.[33]
♠ Script ♣ absent ♥ The A-Hmao language was first written by the Pollard script in apprx. 1905.[34][35]
♠ Phonetic alphabetic writing ♣ absent ♥ The A-Hmao language was first written by the Pollard script in apprx. 1905.[36][37]

Kinds of Written Documents

♠ Lists, tables, and classifications ♣ absent ♥ The A-Hmao language was first written by the Pollard script in apprx. 1905.[38]
♠ Calendar ♣ absent ♥ 'On the eighth day of their fourth lunar month (around mid-May), the Miao celebrate a festival during which they offer sacrifices to their ancestors and cultural heroes. This festival commemorates the day in which the heroes Ya Yi and Ya Nu died in battle while preventing a cruel ruler from his cruel custom of annually forcing the Miao to choose one of their beautiful young women to be his concubine. At the festival, they sing, play reed pipes (lusheng in Chinese) and bonze drums, and dance to honor their ancestors, ensure a good harvest and drive away evil spirits. On special occasions such as this, the Miao women wear large quantities of silver necklaces, bracelets and headdresses which jingle when they dance. This silver jewelry is handed down as a family heirloom.'[39] However, this time-reckoning system need not entail written calendars. The A-Hmao language was first written by the Pollard script in apprx. 1905.[40]
♠ Sacred Texts ♣ absent ♥ The A-Hmao language was first written by the Pollard script in apprx. 1905.[41]
♠ Religious literature ♣ absent ♥ The A-Hmao language was first written by the Pollard script in apprx. 1905.[42]
♠ Practical literature ♣ absent ♥ The A-Hmao language was first written by the Pollard script in apprx. 1905.[43]
♠ History ♣ absent ♥ The A-Hmao language was first written by the Pollard script in apprx. 1905.[44]
♠ Philosophy ♣ absent ♥ The A-Hmao language was first written by the Pollard script in apprx. 1905.[45]
♠ Scientific literature ♣ absent ♥ The A-Hmao language was first written by the Pollard script in apprx. 1905.[46]
♠ Fiction ♣ absent ♥ The A-Hmao language was first written by the Pollard script in apprx. 1905.[47]

Money

♠ Articles ♣ present ♥ 'The ornaments can also be used as token of love promise and mascot for children to ward off evil forces, or even tradable or stored directly as money. Therefore, the silver ornaments of Miao are not only decorations, but also a cultural carrier rooted in the social life of the Miao.'[48]
♠ Tokens ♣ absent ♥
♠ Precious metals ♣ present ♥ 'The ornaments can also be used as token of love promise and mascot for children to ward off evil forces, or even tradable or stored directly as money. Therefore, the silver ornaments of Miao are not only decorations, but also a cultural carrier rooted in the social life of the Miao.'[49]
♠ Foreign coins ♣ present ♥ Qing currency.
♠ Indigenous coins ♣ absent ♥
♠ Paper currency ♣ absent ♥

Postal System

♠ Couriers ♣ ♥
♠ Postal stations ♣ absent ♥ The A-Hmao language was first written by the Pollard script in apprx. 1905.[50]
♠ General postal service ♣ absent ♥ The A-Hmao language was first written by the Pollard script in apprx. 1905.[51]

Warfare variables

♠ RA ♣ Eva Brandl; Hugh Bennett ♥

Military Technologies

Military use of Metals

♠ Copper ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Bronze ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Iron ♣ present ♥ Mickey states that the Hmong used iron tools: 'Several millions of these other peoples still live in the southern provinces of China. They are the Tai, the Lo-lo, and the Miao. Like the Chinese peasants of southern China, all of these people are Iron-Age agriculturalists, growing rice and other grains, keeping a few pigs and cattle, living in villages of a few hundred persons, and trading their surplus agricultural products and handicraft products in the market towns for cutting tools and other manufactured objects.' [52] See below for material on swords and firearms. We need to ascertain when the Hmong started to acquire firearms.
♠ Steel ♣ inferred present ♥ We could find no direct mention of steel, but it seems likely that at least some weapons, esp. guns, could have been made with steel. We need to ascertain when the Hmong started to acquire firearms.

Projectiles

♠ Javelins ♣ inferred absent ♥ Spears are present (see below), but no mention of whether they were thrown or used in close-combat; given the presence of firearms, the latter seems more likely.
♠ Atlatl ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Slings ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Self bow ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Composite bow ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Crossbow ♣ inferred absent ♥ Diamond mentions the use of crossbows on hunting trips among swidden cultivators: 'Economic strategies vary. The Hua Miao were shifting-swidden agriculturalists, growing buckwheat, oats, corn, potatoes, and hemp, and using a simple wooden hand plow or hoe. Sheep and goats were fed on nearby pasture land. Additionally the Hua Miao hunted with crossbow and poisoned arrows and gathered foodstuffs in the forests.' [53] The presence of firearms seems to make the active use of the crossbow in violent conflict less likely. We need to confirm this.
♠ Tension siege engines ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Sling siege engines ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Gunpowder siege artillery ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Handheld firearms ♣ present ♥ We know that in the Chinese period, Hmong men were recruited to the Chinese military and equipped with firearms: 'The above seven sub-prefectures and hsiens had a total of 56 t'un officers, 486 Miao officers, 200 t'un leaders, 1, 000 home guards, 7, 000 t'un males, 1, 800 old and young males, and 5, 000 Miao soldiers. ... There were in all 16, 388 shotguns, 50 hand guns, 1,643 swords, and 5,002 spears, totaling 41,136 weapons.' [54] We need to ascertain when the Hmong started to acquire firearms. Sutton claims a tradition of hunting with muskets: 'Two easily overlooked repercussions of demographic pressure [by the late eighteenth century] were, ecologically, the diminution of fauna that the frontier people had long hunted with muskets and spears; and, socially, the frustration of the Miao practice of newly-marrieds setting up a separate household, which especially affected young unmarried males who would be the main fighters in the Miao forces.'[55] We have therefore assumed that firearms were used in combat as well.

Handheld weapons

♠ War clubs ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Battle axes ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Daggers ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Swords ♣ present ♥ Ling et al claim the use of swords even in the Chinese period: 'The above seven sub-prefectures and hsiens had a total of 56 t'un officers, 486 Miao officers, 200 t'un leaders, 1,000 home guards, 7,000 t'un males, 1,800 old and young males, and 5,000 Miao soldiers. ... There were in all 16,388 shotguns, 50 hand guns, 1,643 swords, and 5,002 spears, totaling 41,136 weapons.' [56]
♠ Spears ♣ present ♥ Ling et al claim the use of spears even in the Chinese period: 'The above seven sub-prefectures and hsiens had a total of 56 t'un officers, 486 Miao officers, 200 t'un leaders, 1,000 home guards, 7,000 t'un males, 1,800 old and young males, and 5,000 Miao soldiers. ... There were in all 16,388 shotguns, 50 hand guns, 1,643 swords, and 5,002 spears, totaling 41,136 weapons.' [57]
♠ Polearms ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable

Animals used in warfare

♠ Dogs ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Donkeys ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Horses ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Camels ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Elephants ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable

Armor

♠ Wood, bark, etc ♣ present ♥ Maio groups used rattan-cane helmet, wooden shield and body armor made out of hide or wool. Iron was used for limb protection (greaves). [58]
♠ Leather, cloth ♣ present ♥ Maio groups used rattan-cane helmet, wooden shield and body armor made out of hide or wool. Iron was used for limb protection (greaves). [59]
♠ Shields ♣ present ♥ Maio groups used rattan-cane helmet, wooden shield and body armor made out of hide or wool. Iron was used for limb protection (greaves). [60]
♠ Helmets ♣ present ♥ Maio groups used rattan-cane helmet, wooden shield and body armor made out of hide or wool. Iron was used for limb protection (greaves). [61]
♠ Breastplates ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Limb protection ♣ present ♥ Maio groups used rattan-cane helmet, wooden shield and body armor made out of hide or wool. Iron was used for limb protection (greaves). [62]
♠ Chainmail ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Scaled armor ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Laminar armor ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Plate armor ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable

Naval technology

♠ Small vessels (canoes, etc) ♣ absent ♥ Ling et al describe Hmong boats: 'The boat used in the Miao area generally measures nine kung ch'ih in length, divided into seven holds, the middle hold being the widest, about one kung ch'ih in width (Illus. 18, 19). The oar, the paddle, the pole, the mast, and other attachments of the boat are not different from those seen elsewhere, except that at the bow there is a long paddle about six kung ch'ih long, which is used for coming down the sandbanks. Traveling upstream offers the greatest difficulty. Every time a sandbank is crossed, the boat has to be poled, lifted, towed, or pushed by several dozen men.'[63] We are unsure whether these were used in warfare. We have coded 'absent' for the time being.
♠ Merchant ships pressed into service ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Specialized military vessels ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable

Fortifications

♠ Settlements in a defensive position ♣ present ♥ Note: The military tactics of the Hmong of Western Hunan during the Hmong Uprising of 1795-1797 have been described. These codes reflect these tactics. Hmong settlements were constructed along mountainsides and rivers and surrounded with defensive structures: 'The Miao settlement is called “chai” (Illus. 12, 13), built generally against a mountainside or along a river, without any uniform appearance. The chai wall is made of earth or stone slabs, and there is no definite number of gates. The streets of a chai zigzag up and down, with tiny alleys on both sides. In each alley there are a few families. The alleys are interconnected. Without a guide one can get lost once inside a chai; turning right and left, one will be unable to find an exit. Chinese passing through a Miao chai often cannot find a single Miao, because they have gone into hiding in small alleys, barring the doors and refusing to come out. The Miao chais are not located along lines of communication but in the deep mountains and valleys accessible only by small paths. Although visible at a distance, they often cannot be reached. Without modern arms, they cannot be easily taken. For the last few hundred years continuous Miao unrest in western Hunan may be largely related to the fact that their chais were easy to defend and difficult to capture.' [64] Many Hmong strongholds were destroyed during the rebellion: 'There were formerly many fortified places called in Chinese chai tzŭ where groups of houses were clustered together for protection. This is indicated by the names of places such as Wang Wu Chai and by the frequent references to fortified places in the legends. To-day there [Page 23] are none to be found. One explanation given by Ch'uan Miao friends is that the danger of fire was too great so that people no longer built their houses so close together. There are two other possible reasons. One is that the Chinese destroyed the strongholds in war and to prevent future rebellions, and the other is that there is no longer danger of raids and attacks from the Lolos. Chinese histories actually mention the destruction of the strongholds'.[65]
♠ Wooden palisades ♣ present ♥ 'With Qing advances in 1795, the Miao would build fortications of an unspecified type quickly, presumably wooden palisades, earth ramparts, and ditches.' [66]
♠ Earth ramparts ♣ present ♥ 'With Qing advances in 1795, the Miao would build fortications of an unspecified type quickly, presumably wooden palisades, earth ramparts, and ditches.' [67] Ling et al claim earth slabs for the fortified walls around settlements: 'The Miao settlement is called “chai” (Illus. 12, 13), built generally against a mountainside or along a river, without any uniform appearance. The chai wall is made of earth or stone slabs, and there is no definite number of gates. The streets of a chai zigzag up and down, with tiny alleys on both sides. In each alley there are a few families. The alleys are interconnected. Without a guide one can get lost once inside a chai; turning right and left, one will be unable to find an exit. Chinese passing through a Miao chai often cannot find a single Miao, because they have gone into hiding in small alleys, barring the doors and refusing to come out. The Miao chais are not located along lines of communication but in the deep mountains and valleys accessible only by small paths. Although visible at a distance, they often cannot be reached. Without modern arms, they cannot be easily taken. For the last few hundred years continuous Miao unrest in western Hunan may be largely related to the fact that their chais were easy to defend and difficult to capture.' [68]
♠ Ditch ♣ present ♥ 'With Qing advances in 1795, the Miao would build fortications of an unspecified type quickly, presumably wooden palisades, earth ramparts, and ditches.' [69]
♠ Moat ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Stone walls (non-mortared) ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Stone walls (mortared) ♣ present ♥ Multiple authors describe defensive structures surrounding Hmong settlements: 'The Miao settlement is called “chai” (Illus. 12, 13), built generally against a mountainside or along a river, without any uniform appearance. The chai wall is made of earth or stone slabs, and there is no definite number of gates. The streets of a chai zigzag up and down, with tiny alleys on both sides. In each alley there are a few families. The alleys are interconnected. Without a guide one can get lost once inside a chai; turning right and left, one will be unable to find an exit. Chinese passing through a Miao chai often cannot find a single Miao, because they have gone into hiding in small alleys, barring the doors and refusing to come out. The Miao chais are not located along lines of communication but in the deep mountains and valleys accessible only by small paths. Although visible at a distance, they often cannot be reached. Without modern arms, they cannot be easily taken. For the last few hundred years continuous Miao unrest in western Hunan may be largely related to the fact that their chais were easy to defend and difficult to capture.' [70] 'There were formerly many fortified places called in Chinese chai tzŭ where groups of houses were clustered together for protection. This is indicated by the names of places such as Wang Wu Chai and by the frequent references to fortified places in the legends. To-day there [Page 23] are none to be found. One explanation given by Ch'uan Miao friends is that the danger of fire was too great so that people no longer built their houses so close together. There are two other possible reasons. One is that the Chinese destroyed the strongholds in war and to prevent future rebellions, and the other is that there is no longer danger of raids and attacks from the Lolos. Chinese histories actually mention the destruction of the strongholds' [71] We have assumed mortared stone walls for the time being.
♠ Fortified camps ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable
♠ Complex fortifications ♣ absent ♥ The guard stations and garrisons of the imperial army may qualify as complex fortifications: 'During the Ts'ung Cheng reign period /1628/ /the end of the Ming dynasty/, the Miao rebelled, demolishing the guard stations and leveling the border wall. The “Great Wall” to blockade Miao country disappeared.' After the later Hmong rebellions of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were suppressed, 'the Manchu court realized that the time was yet inopportune to change the Miao by teaching, and the blockade policy was once more used. The various hsiens along the Miao border were heavily garrisoned for protection.'[72] However, Hmong fortifications probably don't qualify (see above), as it appears that settlements were surrounded by single walls and additional fortifications were constructed quickly on an ad hoc basis. This is open to review and may need expert confirmation.
♠ Long walls ♣ absent ♥ km. During the Ming period, the imperial Chinese military constructed border walls in order to block access from the Hmong area: 'Trouble with the Miao in western Hunan began in the Ming dynasty. But because of using an administrative policy of blockade against Miao country, the 270 years under the Ming [Page 166] 113 cont. did not witness serious trouble. The method of this blockade consisted of setting up stone guard posts /tiao-pao/, establishing guard stations /ying shao/, and building border walls, strictly demarcating the boundary between the Chinese and Miao areas, without allowing any infringement by one on the other.'[73] The border wall was destroyed in the 17th century, but blockade policies were reinstated after the rebellions in the 18th and 19th centuries.[74] The Hmong themselves did not have the material or organizational means to construct border walls of their own.
♠ Modern fortifications ♣ suspected unknown ♥ we need expert input in order to code this variable

Phase II Variables (polity-based)

Institutional Variables

♠ RA ♣ Eva Brandl ♥

Limits on Power of the Chief Executive

Power distributed

♠ Constraint on executive by government ♣ ♥
♠ Constraint on executive by non-government ♣ ♥
♠ Impeachment ♣ ♥

Social Mobility

Status

Elite status

♠ elite status is hereditary ♣ present ♥ At the second administrative level. What about the first? (1) the overall ruler, (2) hereditary Yi family leader OR military appointee, (3) village headmen. 'These ‘native officials’ were remnants of the former tusi system, through which the Chinese imperial court granted titles to indigenous overlords to serve its indirect rule over the southwestern frontier. They survived the policy of gaitu guiliu (substituting posted officials for native officials) in the Qing dynasty, yet found themselves facing imminent threats from the Republican regime in the mid-1930s.'[75]

Religion and Normative Ideology

♠ RA ♣ Eva Brandl ♥

Deification of Rulers

♠ Rulers are legitimated by gods ♣ absent ♥ Political authority was local: 'Given the long period of Chinese rule, it is not possible to reconstruct precontact organization, though some areas still retain older lineage and clan names. ... There was little class differentiation in the villages, and no formal political structure. Villages do not seem to have been formally linked by any kind of tribal organization and there was no formal political structure within villages.'[76] 'The Ch'uan Miao are not a tribe with a political organization that includes the whole group. There are no tribal rulers, but they have local headmen, called gü leo or “old clubs,” who sometimes cooperate for the common good.'[77] 'There is no tribal organization. That is, there is no political organization that extends throughout the entire ethnic group. A locality may elect a headman ... and the headmen of several different districts may cooperate for the general good, but the headmen are not bound together by an organization affecting the entire Ch'uan Miao region. If the Ch'uan Miao are a tribe, it is because they are physically related and have a common language, common customs, common ideals, and a common culture. These bind the people together more securely than could any political organization.' [78] Elders and headmen served as informal leaders: 'Respected knowledgeable elders, heads of family groups, and religious experts of both genders served as informal leaders. Among the more Sinicized, landlords and those who had some literacy in Chinese exercised power in the community. Under the present system, those who are members of the Communist party stand as the official leaders of the community.' [79] 'Certain men of the village were heads of a pao, ten families, the smallest division in the Chinese political system of the district, and one older man with leisure and education was the chief of these. Small matters came before them, and only when they could not settle a matter was it taken to the lien (group of) pao, perhaps even to the hsien officials. Two men in this village have been teachers in the local school.'[80] This seems to make the formal legitimation of 'rulers' by gods unlikely, but more evidence on possible spiritual powers attributed to elders is needed.

♠ Rulers are gods ♣ absent ♥ Political authority was local: 'Given the long period of Chinese rule, it is not possible to reconstruct precontact organization, though some areas still retain older lineage and clan names. ... There was little class differentiation in the villages, and no formal political structure. Villages do not seem to have been formally linked by any kind of tribal organization and there was no formal political structure within villages.'[81] 'The Ch'uan Miao are not a tribe with a political organization that includes the whole group. There are no tribal rulers, but they have local headmen, called gü leo or “old clubs,” who sometimes cooperate for the common good.'[82] 'There is no tribal organization. That is, there is no political organization that extends throughout the entire ethnic group. A locality may elect a headman ... and the headmen of several different districts may cooperate for the general good, but the headmen are not bound together by an organization affecting the entire Ch'uan Miao region. If the Ch'uan Miao are a tribe, it is because they are physically related and have a common language, common customs, common ideals, and a common culture. These bind the people together more securely than could any political organization.' [83] Elders and headmen served as informal leaders: 'Respected knowledgeable elders, heads of family groups, and religious experts of both genders served as informal leaders. Among the more Sinicized, landlords and those who had some literacy in Chinese exercised power in the community. Under the present system, those who are members of the Communist party stand as the official leaders of the community.' [84] 'Certain men of the village were heads of a pao, ten families, the smallest division in the Chinese political system of the district, and one older man with leisure and education was the chief of these. Small matters came before them, and only when they could not settle a matter was it taken to the lien (group of) pao, perhaps even to the hsien officials. Two men in this village have been teachers in the local school.'[85] This seems to make it unlikely that 'rulers' were thought to be gods, but more evidence on possible spiritual powers attributed to elders is needed.

Normative Ideological Aspects of Equity and Prosociality

♠ Ideological reinforcement of equality ♣ present ♥

♠ Ideological thought equates rulers and commoners ♣ suspected unknown ♥ There were no rulers among the Hmong apart from informal leadership by elders. We have found no information on Hmong attitudes towards the national government.
♠ Ideological thought equates elites and commoners ♣ present ♥ There was little social stratification among the Hmong: 'The various Miao groups are for the most part an unstratified agricultural people found in the uplands of several provinces of China and related to the Hmong of Southeast Asia. They are distinguished by language, dress, historical traditions, and cultural practice from neighboring ethnic groups and the dominant Han Chinese. They are not culturally homogeneous and the differences between local Miao cultures are often as great as between Miao and non-Miao neighbors. The term "Miao" is Chinese, and means "weeds" or "sprouts." Chinese minority policies since the 1950s treat these diverse groups as a single nationality and associate them with the San Miao Kingdom of central China mentioned in histories of the Han dynasty (200 BC-AD 200).' [86] 'Given the long period of Chinese rule, it is not possible to reconstruct precontact organization, though some areas still retain older lineage and clan names. Owing to dispersion, population decimation, and frequent migration, the multisurname settlement seems to be the most common. There was little class differentiation in the villages, and no formal political structure. Villages do not seem to have been formally linked by any kind of tribal organization and there was no formal political structure within villages.' [87] Local leadership was largely informal: 'Respected knowledgeable elders, heads of family groups, and religious experts of both genders served as informal leaders. Among the more Sinicized, landlords and those who had some literacy in Chinese exercised power in the community. Under the present system, those who are members of the Communist party stand as the official leaders of the community.' [88] 'Political Institutions. The Cowrie Shell Miao were Chinese citizens, and officially entitled to the same rights and privileges as other Chinese. Their form of local government was Chinese. The leaders of the village [Page [44a]] were the elders, men who stood at the head of groups of closely related families, known as pao. There were three pao in Yang-chia-sai, and hence three elders, who formed the village council. Disputes within the family were settled, if possible, in the family, in the pao within the pao. Disputes within the village between members of different pao were ordinarily settled by the three elders. If, however, they were unable to effect a settlement, the litigants had the right to carry their dispute to the next higher official, the lien pao chang, who was a Chinese, and so on up to the Chinese court in the hsien city.' [89] While elders and ritual specialists were respected, there were no distinct social classes: 'From very early times the Miao have had tribes but not tribal chiefs, and therefore they do not have different classes nor differentiated marriage or funeral ceremonial customs. The funeral for a Miao sorcerer, however, is slightly different from that for the ordinary person. When a sorcerer is at the point of death, 103 two other sorcerer priests are summoned to the house. When he breathes his last, the members of the family must not weep. One sorcerer priest climbs on the house and removes a few tiles from it to make an opening, which is called “opening the heaven's gate.” The other sorcerer priest sits below behind the deceased, and as soon as he sees “heaven's gate” has been opened, he immediately lets out a loud cry, to which the one on the roof responds with another cry, and thus, the two men, one above and the other below, start their ritual. It is said that the one above opens heaven's gate, and the one below shuts the grove /literally, “earth storehouse”/. This is to cause the departed sorcerer not to enter hell but to ascend to heaven. After this the family members may begin to cry and weep.' [90] However, Hmong populations found themselves at the bottom end of a complex interethnic hierarchy when integrated into the Chinese imperial structure: 'Chinese scholarship links the present-day Miao to tribal confederations that moved southward some 2,000 years ago from the plain between the Yellow River and the Yangtze toward the Dongting Lake area. These became the San Miao mentioned in Han dynasty texts. Over the next thousand years, between the Han and the Song dynasties, these presumed ancestors of the Miao continued to migrate westward and southward, under pressure from expanding Han populations and the imperial armies. Chinese texts and Miao oral history establish that over those years the ancestors settled in western Hunan and Guizhou, with some moving south into Guangxi or west along the Wu River to southeastern Sichuan and into Yunnan. The period was marked by a number of uprisings and battles between Miao and the Han or local indigenous groups, recalled in the oral histories of local groups. Though the term "Miao" was sometimes used in Tang and Song histories, the more usual term was "Man," meaning "barbarians." Migration continued through the Yuan, Ming, and early Qing, with some groups moving into mainland Southeast Asia. The retreat from Han control brought some into territories controlled by the Yi in northeast Yunnan/northwest Guizhou. The various migrations can also be seen as "vertical" migrations into the undeveloped hillside and mountain areas that were of lesser interest to Han. Depending on the terrain, the settled farming cited in Miao historical myths gave way to shifting slash-and-burn agriculture, facilitated by the introduction of the Irish potato and maize in the sixteenth century, and the adoption of high-altitude/cool-weather crops like barley, buckwheat, and oats. Farming was supplemented by forest hunting, fishing, gathering, and pastoralism. During the Qing, uprisings and military encounters escalated. There were major disturbances in western Hunan (1795-1806) and a continuous series of rebellions in Guizhou (1854-1872). Chinese policies toward the Miao shifted among assimilation, containment in "stockaded villages," dispersal, removal, and extermination. The frequent threat of "Miao rebellion" caused considerable anxiety to the state; in actuality, many of these uprisings included Bouyei, Dong, Hui, and other ethnic groups, including Han settlers and demobilized soldiers. At issue were heavy taxation, rising landlordism, rivalries over local resources, and official corruption. One of the last Miao uprisings occurred in 1936 in western Hunan in opposition to Guomindang (Republican) continuation of the tuntian system, which forced the peasants to open up new lands and grow crops for the state.' [91] 'From Song on, in periods of relative peace, government control was exercised through the tusi system of indirect rule by appointed native headmen who collected taxes, organized corvée, and kept the peace. Miao filled this role in Hunan and eastern Guizhou, but farther west the rulers were often drawn from a hereditary Yi nobility, a system that lasted into the twentieth century. In Guizhou, some tusi claimed Han ancestry, but were probably drawn from the ranks of assimilated Bouyei, Dong, and Miao. Government documents refer to the "Sheng Miao" (raw Miao), meaning those living in areas beyond government control and not paying taxes or labor service to the state. In the sixteenth century, in the more pacified areas, the implementation of the policy of gaitu guiliu began the replacement of native rulers with regular civilian and military officials, a few of whom were drawn from assimilated minority families. Land became a commodity, creating both landlords and some freeholding peasants in the areas affected. In the Yunnan-Guizhou border area, the tusi system continued and Miao purchase of land and participation in local markets was restricted by law until the Republican period (1911-1949).' [92] Most Hmong subsistence producers were either smallholders or dependent tenants who worked lands owned by landlords from other ethnic groups: 'Prior to the 1950s land reform, some Miao were smallholders. Many, if not most, were tenants on lands owned by Han, Yi, Hui, and others. Few were true landlords, and most who rented out land were likely to work part of their holdings themselves with family labor. All land is now owned by the state, including undeveloped mountain and forest lands, thus limiting any expansion beyond lands officially assigned to an individual or village. In the process, pastoralism and forest hunting/gathering have been reduced. Before land reform, some Miao areas followed the practice of lineage or hamlet ownership of mountain and hillside lands even where some private holdings existed. People could open new lands for farming and settlement, share village pastures, or hunt away from their home area.' [93] Accordingly, there was reinforcement of equality among the Hmong themselves, but reinforcement of inequality between Hmong and higher-status ethnic groups. We have provisionally coded for both, but this is debatable.

♠ Ideology reinforces prosociality ♣ present ♥

♠ production of public goods ♣ absent ♥ We have found very little information on public works.

Moralizing Supernatural Powers

♠ Moral concern is primary ♣ absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is certain ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing norms are broad ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is targeted ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement of rulers ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by elites ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing religion adopted by commoners ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in afterlife ♣ present ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement in this life ♣ absent ♥
♠ Moralizing enforcement is agentic ♣ absent ♥

These data were reviewed by expert advisors and consultants. For a detailed description of these data, refer to the relevant Analytic Narratives, reference tables, and acknowledgements page. [94] [95]

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References